cheney

Huffington Post…

The Senate has killed an effort by the House to raise the government’s borrowing cap. Democrats and several Republicans killed the measure put forth by House Speaker John Boehner by a 59-41 vote Friday night, just minutes after it arrived from the House. Democrats opposed the measure because it would require another painful debt-limit debate early next year. The move continues a standoff over the debt limit but could set the table for negotiations this weekend on compromise legislation that could pass the Democratic Senate and the GOP-controlled House before an Aug. 2 deadline to prevent a potentially disastrous default on U.S. obligations like interest payments and Social Security checks. Check back here for the latest developments. What happens if the U.S. defaults? See the slideshow below.

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LIVE UPDATES: Debt Ceiling Deadline Looms, Default At Stake

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Huffington Post…

The world is drowning in corporate fraud, and the problems are probably greatest in rich countries — those with supposedly “good governance.” Poor-country governments probably accept more bribes and commit more offenses, but it is rich countries that host the global companies that carry out the largest offenses. Money talks, and it is corrupting politics and markets all over the world. Hardly a day passes without a new story of malfeasance. Every Wall Street firm has paid significant fines during the past decade for phony accounting, insider trading, securities fraud, Ponzi schemes, or outright embezzlement by CEOs. A massive insider-trading ring is currently on trial in New York, and has implicated some leading financial-industry figures. And it follows a series of fines paid by America’s biggest investment banks to settle charges of various securities violations. There is, however, scant accountability. Two years after the biggest financial crisis in history, which was fueled by unscrupulous behavior by the biggest banks on Wall Street, not a single financial leader has faced jail. When companies are fined for malfeasance, their shareholders, not their CEOs and managers, pay the price. The fines are always a tiny fraction of the ill-gotten gains, implying to Wall Street that corrupt practices have a solid rate of return. Even today, the banking lobby runs roughshod over regulators and politicians. Corruption pays in American politics as well. The current governor of Florida, Rick Scott, was CEO of a major health-care company known as Columbia/HCA. The company was charged with defrauding the United States government by overbilling for reimbursement, and eventually pled guilty to 14 felonies, paying a fine of $1.7 billion. The FBI’s investigation forced Scott out of his job. But, a decade after the company’s guilty pleas, Scott is back, this time as a “free-market” Republican politician. When Barack Obama wanted somebody to help with the bailout of the US automobile industry, he turned to a Wall Street “fixer,” Steven Rattner, even though Obama knew that Rattner was under investigation for giving kickbacks to government officials. After Rattner finished his work at the White House, he settled the case with a fine of a few million dollars. But why stop at governors or presidential advisers? Former Vice President Dick Cheney came to the White House after serving as CEO of Halliburton. During his tenure at Halliburton, the firm engaged in illegal bribery of Nigerian officials to enable the company to win access to that country’s oil fields — access worth billions of dollars. When Nigeria’s government charged Halliburton with bribery, the company settled the case out of court, paying a fine of $35 million. Of course, there were no consequences whatsoever for Cheney. The news barely made a ripple in the US media. Impunity is widespread — indeed, most corporate crimes go un-noticed. The few that are noticed typically end with a slap on the wrist, with the company — meaning its shareholders — picking up a modest fine. The real culprits at the top of these companies rarely need to worry. Even when firms pay mega-fines, their CEOs remain. The shareholders are so dispersed and powerless that they exercise little control over the management. The explosion of corruption — in the US, Europe, China, India, Africa, Brazil, and beyond — raises a host of challenging questions about its causes, and about how to control it now that it has reached epidemic proportions. Corporate corruption is out of control for two main reasons. First, big companies are now multinational, while governments remain national. Big companies are so financially powerful that governments are afraid to take them on. Second, companies are the major funders of political campaigns in places like the US, while politicians themselves are often part owners, or at least the silent beneficiaries of corporate profits. Roughly one-half of US Congressmen are millionaires, and many have close ties to companies even before they arrive in Congress. As a result, politicians often look the other way when corporate behavior crosses the line. Even if governments try to enforce the law, companies have armies of lawyers to run circles around them. The result is a culture of impunity, based on the well-proven expectation that corporate crime pays. Given the close connections of wealth and power with the law, reining in corporate crime will be an enormous struggle. Fortunately, the rapid and pervasive flow of information nowadays could act as a kind of deterrent or disinfectant. Corruption thrives in the dark, yet more information than ever comes to light via email and blogs, as well as Facebook, Twitter, and other social networks. We will also need a new kind of politician leading a new kind of political campaign, one based on free online media rather than paid media. When politicians can emancipate themselves from corporate donations, they will regain the ability to control corporate abuses. Moreover, we will need to light the dark corners of international finance, especially tax havens like the Cayman Islands and secretive Swiss banks. Tax evasion, kickbacks, illegal payments, bribes, and other illegal transactions flow through these accounts. The wealth, power, and illegality enabled by this hidden system are now so vast as to threaten the global economy’s legitimacy, especially at a time of unprecedented income inequality and large budget deficits, owing to governments’ inability politically — and sometimes even operationally — to impose taxes on the wealthy. So the next time you hear about a corruption scandal in Africa or other poor region, ask where it started and who is doing the corrupting. Neither the US nor any other “advanced” country should be pointing the finger at poor countries, for it is often the most powerful global companies that have created the problem. Originally published by Project Syndicate.

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Jeffrey Sachs: The Global Economy’s Corporate Crime Wave

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Nigeria Drops Cheney Bribery Charges

December 17, 2010

LAGOS, Nigeria (AP) — A spokesman for Nigeria’s antigraft body says they have dropped charges against former U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney and his former company Halliburton. Economic and Financial Crimes Commission spokesman Femi Babafemi says the charges against Cheney and other executives of Halliburton and its former subsidiary KBR were dropped Friday after a plea-bargain deal was reached. Officials did not describe the settlement. Authorities said the charges stemmed from a case involving as much as $180 million allegedly paid in bribes to Nigerian officials from 1995 to 2004. Cheney was named as he led the company during a period when the bribes were allegedly paid. The Halliburton case involves its former subsidiary KBR, an engineering and construction services firm based in Houston.

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Nigeria Drops Cheney Bribery Charges

December 17, 2010

LAGOS, Nigeria (AP) — A spokesman for Nigeria’s antigraft body says they have dropped charges against former U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney and his former company Halliburton. Economic and Financial Crimes Commission spokesman Femi Babafemi says the charges against Cheney and other executives of Halliburton and its former subsidiary KBR were dropped Friday after a plea-bargain deal was reached. Officials did not describe the settlement. Authorities said the charges stemmed from a case involving as much as $180 million allegedly paid in bribes to Nigerian officials from 1995 to 2004. Cheney was named as he led the company during a period when the bribes were allegedly paid. The Halliburton case involves its former subsidiary KBR, an engineering and construction services firm based in Houston.

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Merchant Debit Fees: Fed Proposes 12-Cent Cap, Visa, MasterCard Could Take Big Hits

December 16, 2010

NEW YORK — The Federal Reserve on Thursday proposed a 12-cent cap on the fees banks would be allowed to charge merchants for debit card transactions, a limit that some estimate could cut up to 90 percent of the revenue collected through such fees. Shares of Visa Inc. and MasterCard Inc. slid more than 10 percent after the proposals were made public. Capping debit interchange fees, sometimes called swipe fees, would help merchants. Under the existing system, the Fed said the average fee in 2009 was 44 cents per transaction, or 1.14 percent of the transaction. When the customer signed for the purchase in the same way they would for a credit card purchase, known as signature debit, the average fee was 56 cents, or 1.53 percent of the transaction amount. The proposal also would require that merchants have a choice of unrelated networks to process transactions, like Visa and MasterCard. That could cut into revenue for those companies by allowing other networks to process transactions now handled by the two biggest players in the industry. The network giants could see further revenue hits from banks that try to extract concessions based on the sharp fee cuts, said Thomas McCrohan, an analyst for Janney Capital Markets. The networks set the interchange rates but the fees are paid to the banks that issue debit cards bearing the Visa or MasterCard logos. The revenue hit could be between 70 and 90 percent of the fees currently paid, said Jeff Tassey, executive director of the Electronic Payments Coalition, a group that represents banks, credit unions, payment networks and card processors. “It’s a massive reduction,” he said. Wall Street was expecting a 60 percent cut, said McCrohan. Bank stocks were largely unaffected by the news, but shares of Visa slid $9.75, or 12.7 percent, to close at $67.19. MasterCard shares plunged $25.73, or 10.3 percent, to close at $223.49. Fed staff members said a swipe-fee cap probably wouldn’t translate into lower prices for consumers, except in some highly competitive markets. It may, however, result in banks cutting back on debit card reward programs or searching for other ways to offset the impact of lower fees. The proposal was made to enact a provision known as the Durbin Amendment that was part of the financial regulatory overhaul bill that became law in July. The provision requires that interchange fees be “reasonable and proportional” to banks’ costs for processing transactions. Critics noted that the Fed did not allow for the costs of fraud prevention and detection in setting the cap. “For a smaller institution, fraud prevention costs and fraud costs, for the most part are the costs,” said Bill Cheney, CEO of the Credit Union National Association. The law exempts banks and credit unions with market capitalizations under $10 billion. But industry representatives questioned how the exemption would be enforced, and said it could result in merchants refusing to accept debit cards issued by smaller institutions because those transactions would cost more. The limit would not apply to interchange fees for credit cards, which were not addressed in the financial overhaul. The National Retail Federation was among merchant groups that praised the proposal, saying fee limits “would result in lower costs for merchants and could lead to discounts for their customers.” The American Bankers Association had a vastly different take, charging that the cap would “essentially relieve retailers of paying their fair share” for debit card transactions. Visa said that the Fed’s proposal of “artificial” caps on fees doesn’t take into consideration the value of merchants being able to accept debt cards and the costs of running a debit network. It added in a statement that “the proposed routing and exclusivity alternatives put retailer profits ahead of consumer protection, choice and convenience.” McCrohan, the analyst at Janney, said the portion of the proposal that could require two networks for each type of transaction would create a hugely complicated system. “That just makes people’s heads hurt,” he said. “How is that going to work exactly?” MasterCard issued a statement saying that the Fed’s proposal fails to consider the full range of costs incurred by issuers to operate their debit card programs, and that it plans to file formal comments in the coming weeks as part of the public comment period. “Experience demonstrates that consumers, not banks, or payment networks are the biggest losers as a result of this regulation,” Noah Hunt, MasterCard’s general counsel said in a statement. “This type of price control is misguided and anti-competitive, and in the end is harmful to consumers.” The Federal Reserve will accept comments on the proposed rule through Feb. 22. The proposal must be finalized by April 21, and would take effect three months later. In the meantime, the fight over interchange fees may return to Congress. “We’re deeply troubled by the approach taken and essentially the direction Congress went in,” said Kenneth Clayton, general counsel for the American Bankers Association, a lobby group. “We clearly think the issue needs to be revisited.”

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Republicans Criticizing Elizabeth Warren’s Lack Of Transparency Had No Problems With Dick Cheney

November 24, 2010

Recently enough that you may still recall it, a secretive, paranoid man who had previously headed a major multinational energy company found himself vice president of the United States. This man deliberated privately with the heads of major oil companies as his administration set up a new energy policy that, perhaps coincidentally, wound up being strikingly generous to oil companies. The same man played a crucial role in leading the nation into a disastrous and costly war in a country that — again, perhaps coincidentally — held the world’s second-largest oil reserves. When, at the time, a few annoying sticklers for detail suggested there were problems with this flavor of policymaking, that perhaps it would have been better to hold deliberations in public so that people other than the heads of giant energy companies could have a say in the nation’s handling of energy, they were derided by this man and members of his party as naive and idealistic. Why clutter up the proceedings with citizens, journalists and other nudges who do not know how to get oil out of the ground? Leave things to the experts, we were told. So it is nothing short of astonishing to absorb the current spectacle. Republican members of the House — the same people who defended national troglodyte Dick Cheney in his effort to block public scrutiny on oil policy — are now criticizing the way Elizabeth Warren is making preparations for a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, as if it were some sinister plot to destroy the republic. The White House’s appointment of Warren “circumvented the advice-and-consent process and undermined one of the key checks and balances in our Constitution,” declared Rep. Spencer Bachus (R-Ala.), the ranking member of the House Financial Services Committee, and Rep. Judy Biggert (R-Ill.) in a letter addressed Monday to the inspector general at the Treasury. “Treasury Department officials have provided little or no transparency with respect to their activities such as which organizations are meeting with Treasury officials.” Far be it from anyone to defend the Obama Treasury against charges that it lacks transparency. From its handling of its feckless homeowner-aid program, sold as a fix to the foreclosure crisis, to its administering of the Wall Street bailouts begun by its predecessors, this Treasury has been a maddening and combative model of misinformation, evasion and outright dishonesty. Again and again, it has sided with Wall Street over the public’s right to know, protecting Goldman Sachs and Bank of America in much the same way Dick Cheney lavished his nurturing ways on Halliburton and Exxon. But this idea that Republicans in Congress are now pursuing the public interest in challenging Warren’s authority, trying to derail her devious plot to make the world safe for people with credit cards and bank accounts, is nothing short of hilarious. It is a brazen exercise in what regular people call balls, one that must be admired for its sheer, breathtaking nature. Vice President Cheney, you will recall, had previously run Halliburton, a company that makes its money helping multinational energy firms extract more precious black liquid from the earth. This gave him an Oklahoma-sized conflict of interest when it came to deliberating on energy policy. It was fair to assume he would not be a particularly aggressive proponent of tighter energy-efficiency standards or an advocate for capping carbon emissions to limit climate change. He also played a central role in the nation’s national-security apparatus just as the deliberations — and perhaps that is a generous word — commenced on the ultimately horrible decision to invade Iraq. Cheney not only had personal truck with the heads of the oil majors, a clubby relationship with people who had every financial incentive to push for greater consumption of oil, but also the reasonable expectation of financial enrichment himself on the other side. Much as Larry Summers and Robert Rubin used their time at the Clinton Treasury to open up fresh profit-making opportunities for high finance in ways contrary to the public interest before landing on Wall Street, where they made enough to live like Maharajahs, Cheney could certainly have set himself up for a lucrative return trip to the oil patch. In short, the less-than-transparent way he handled energy policy could reasonably have been expected to hide some sweet goodies for powerful companies whose interest might have deviated from the public’s. Elizabeth Warren, the woman tasked with creating the CFPB, on the other hand, is a longtime law professor, an author of respected books on the breakdown of the American middle class, and a darling of consumer advocates. Are Republicans suggesting that she is using her current position to set up a consumer protection bureau that is so to the liking of consumer advocates that she could some day cash in with a plum job at, say, the National Consumer Law Center? Are they intimating that she stands to benefit in some way by using her new agency to damage the public interest? And how to square the Republican demands to know where she is drawing counsel with the Bush administration’s stonewalling on efforts to glean Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson’s conversational partners as he was crafting plans to send $700 billion in bailout funds to his old compadres on Wall Street? In the most generous reading, the Republicans really believe the rhetoric in their broadside and are clinging to a cultish reverence for free markets, one so extreme that they are adamant that the same bankers who brought the economy to its knees should enjoy the freedom to try it again. But don’t bet on that reading. The demands for transparency from a party that has only recently regained an appreciation for constitutional jurisprudence is merely the latest example of its oppose-everything mantra, a dynamic we are stuck with right up until the next presidential election. It is a cynical ploy premised on the belief that American memories run short — so short that we have already forgotten how today’s ardent protectors of due process are the same people who allowed Dick Cheney to run energy policy like an elaborate Christmas morning for oil companies.

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David Isenberg: We Don’t Need No Stinking Democracy

November 1, 2010

One of the perennial assumptions in the never ending debate about outsourcing and privatization is that doing so is more cost-effective. Don’t believe me? Try searching online for “cost-effective AND outsourcing” I just tried and received 1,210,000 hits on Google. But, to paraphrase Bill Clinton, it all depends on what you mean by cost-effective. There is more to it than just the lowest monetary cost. It appears that the very act of outsourcing creates a bureaucratic version of the Heisenberg Uncertainty Principle , which in the social sciences is often taken to mean that the very act of observing a phenomenon inevitably alters that phenomenon in some way. This bring us to the article published in the Spring 2010 issue of the University of Chicago Law Review , titled ” Privatization’s Pretensions ” by Jon D. Michaels, Acting Professor of Law at the UCLA School of Law. Prof. Michaels writes, “For decades, policymakers have been privatizing government responsibilities for the customary, and ostensibly exclusive, objective of providing the public with the same goods and services more efficiently. It is becoming increasingly apparent that these policymakers are also doing something different: they are using that purportedly technocratic process to substantively alter the very policies they are supposed to be neutrally administering. And, it is working: these privatization “workarounds” can directly change the content of public education, health, and social welfare programs, the outcome of regulatory enforcement and rulemaking proceedings, and the trajectory of police and national security operations.” Well, why is that bad, you ask. Because, as Michaels writes: Workarounds provide outsourcing agencies with the means of accomplishing distinct policy goals that–but for the pretext of technocratic privatization–would either be legally unattainable or much more difficult to realize. In short, they are executive aggrandizing. They enable Presidents, governors, and mayors to exercise greater unilateral policy discretion–at the expense of legislators, courts, successor administrations, and the people. In plain English that means a gutting of the democratic process, or as Dick Cheney so fervently supported, a strengthening of the unitary executive theory of government. Or, to paraphrase the famous line from The Treasure of the Sierra Madre, we don’t need no stinking democracy. I am tempted to note that those who advocate for PMSC on efficiency grounds might remember that Italy’s Benito Mussolini also said that Italian fascism should have been welcomed because it made the trains run on time. As that is a popular myth I won’t belabor the point; at least not for now. Note that Michaels is not arguing against privatization per se. But he does note that we don’t even have the proper language and metrics to understand it: To care about workarounds, we need not be skeptical of executive authority, nor need we be hostile to privatization. We must simply appreciate that this powerful, potentially transformative phenomenon (1) raises novel questions that sound in separation of powers, intergenerational sovereignty, and democratic theory, and (2) has been overshadowed by the dominant, but analytically orthogonal, efficiency versus accountability debate. Because workarounds are undertheorized as well as underdeveloped as a regulatory matter, we currently lack the vocabulary, the data, and the tools to make thoughtful analytical and legal interventions. Michaels examines various agencies and scenarios. But with respect to PMSC here is the key section: Though concerns about military contracting typically sound in terms of oversight difficulties, cost overruns, and encroachments on inherently governmental responsibilities, increasing attention is being paid to an additional concern. As noted in the Introduction, out sourcing conceals the true scope and human costs of war efforts by understating the size of deployments and diluting casualty counts. A large percentage of our troop commitment in Iraq and Afghanistan is comprised of contractors. For example, a 2007 estimate had 180,000 contractors supporting roughly 160,000 troops in Iraq; to the extent official numbers list just the 160,000 military personnel, the government can give the impression that our footprint is only half its actual size. As Charles Tiefer has written, the Pentagon “ardently desired . . . to keep the illusion of a low number of troops.” The illusion was certainly enhanced by efforts, intentional or not, to conceal military contracts by routing them through civilian agencies, to refer to contract services in official documents in generic and arguably misleading terms (such as “information technology” specialists rather than as “interrogators”), and to complicate the contracting processes such that the federal government still has trouble providing an accurate contractor headcount. Private contractors are politically valuable insofar as they neither enter into official head or body counts–nor, it appears, into our hearts. That is to say, the nation identifies with its troops to a far greater extent than its contractors: “Americans are accustomed to hearing the military death toll . . . . But largely absent from the public consciousness are the thousands of civilians putting their lives on the line as contractors in Iraq.” Combining US military personnel and contractors in combat zones thus allows for contractors to lighten the troops’ share of long tours, injuries, and other physical and emotional hardships. But even more importantly, the aggregate loss of life (and quality of life) is discounted by the fact that we neither hear as much about nor, evidently, care as much about homesick or fallen contractors. This misperception of the war effort generates tangible effects that redound specifically to the executive’s benefit. Concealing these costs, the people are less sensitive to the President’s handling (or mishandling) of the military campaign. In turn, the executive has more political capital and thus more maneuverability in conducting the war. Indeed, without contractors: (1) the military engagement would have had to be smaller–a strategically problematic alternative; (2) the United States would have had to deploy its finite number of active personnel for even longer tours of duty -a politically dicey and short-sighted option; (3) the United States would have had to consider a civilian draft or boost retention and recruitment by raising military pay significantly–two politically untenable options; or (4) the need for greater commitments from other nations would have arisen and with it, the United States would have had to make more concessions to build and sustain a truly multinational effort. Thus, the tangible differences in the type of war waged, the effect on military personnel, and the need for coalition partners are greatly magnified when the government has the option to supplement its troops with contractors. Note, too, that the public may well catch on. As contractors become fixtures on the national security landscape and as the public starts demanding numerical accountings, will workarounds diminish in strategic value? And, if so, does that mean the executive as an agent of the people will be on a tighter leash? Obviously, one cannot draw any causal connection between growing calls for reducing America’s military presence in Iraq and greater awareness of contractors. But given how much we now know about contractors–compared to how little was known before the invasion and occupation of Iraq–one might query whether contractors will ever be used for such politically strategic purposes in future engagements. To me Michael’s most important point is to point out that the concern we should have is not about contractor’s being unaccountable. Rather it is that they are too accountable to the policymakers in the executive branch–yes, we are talking about the White House–who set the policy. For its part, the academic community has largely zeroed in on the government delegating sovereign authority to contractors–and those contractors’ frolics and detours. Concerned that the regulatory framework does not do enough to deter rogue contractors, or to bolster agencies’ efforts to limit contractor manipulations, scholars have sought to introduce, among other things, constitutional and administrative law norms into the privatization paradigm, and to have the contractors treated as state actors for legal purposes. However effective these approaches might be in reining in wayward contractors, there are important differences between (1) contractors who exploit the discretion afforded to them as proxies of the government and (2) agency officials directing workarounds through these proxies. With contractor abuse, the concern is unaccountability–a breakdown in the traditional principal-agent relationship. With workarounds, the contractors are not necessarily disloyal; indeed, they may be too accountable to their governmental counterparts–too willing to facilitate their policy altering agendas. Instead, it is the executive as unaccountable agent that changes the substance or the temporal duration of a policy in a manner potentially inconsistent with the expectations of its co-principals (namely, the coordinate branches, future administrations, the bureaucracy, and the people). In other words let’s not blame Xe Services etc etera for bad things that happen in war zones. Let’s blame U.S. policymakers who create those wars in the first place.

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Elizabeth Warren To Lead Search For New Consumer Chief, Could ‘Pull A Dick Cheney’

September 16, 2010

In addition to being charged with forming the newly-created agency dedicated to protecting consumers from abusive financial products, Elizabeth Warren will lead the administration’s effort to find the first director of the nascent unit, the Huffington Post has learned. President Barack Obama will name Warren, a famed consumer advocate and passionate defender of the middle class, as one of his top advisers on Friday, creating a role inside the White House for the Harvard Law professor and bailout watchdog to lead the effort in forming the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection. Warren, though, will not be named as his nominee for the Senate-confirmed, five-year post to lead the new entity — at least not yet. She will, however, lead the search to find the right person. Consumer advocates and several dozen members of Congress say she’s it. “Who knows? Maybe she’ll pull a Dick Cheney,” said one source familiar with the matter. Former Vice President Cheney was tapped by then-Gov. George W. Bush to lead his search for a running mate during the 2000 presidential campaign. Cheney settled on himself. The possibility of Obama picking Warren surged in recent days after Obama heaped praise on her last Friday and called her a “dear friend.” However, a day after word leaked Wednesday that Warren would be selected for this different role, news outlets including CBS News, citing the White House, reported that not only was it unlikely Warren would get the nod — she allegedly didn’t want the position in the first place. House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-Mass.) also said that Warren didn’t want the five-year role . Warren backers hold out hope that she remains on the short list of nominees for the permanent job, but CBS News reports that, “It is highly unlikely that Warren … will eventually be nominated to be director of the bureau.” According to CBS, Warren “is no longer on the list” for the long-term position. The reports could serve to undermine Warren before she even steps into the job. However, if it appears that she’ll ultimately deem herself the most qualified candidate for the permanent position — and her backers in Congress, the White House, and advocacy organizations that have the White House’s ear agree — Obama could very well end up choosing the middle class advocate. Support for Warren reached a fever pitch over the summer, as backers presented her as critical to both the success of the new agency and the financial reform effort as a whole. With a budget approaching $500 million and a staff expected to number in the hundreds, the agency represents the consolidation of a multitude of units inside government charged with protecting borrowers. It’s been touted as the capstone of the Obama administration’s effort to reform the nation’s broken financial system. Getting the right person in the job for the historic agency is key, experts and administration officials say. And Warren has long been touted as the natural choice for the position, given her advocacy on behalf of borrowers, her noted research into consumer debt and financial products, and the fact that she conceived the agency in a 2007 journal article. But Warren is seen as a polarizing figure. Her aggressive advocacy on behalf of working-class families has made her an enemy of lenders who favor less regulation and more opportunities for fee-based income, like excessive overdraft levies and credit card surcharges. Mortgages with exploding interest rates and well-hidden fees were particularly profitable for lenders during the boom, and Warren has fought against such practices. In her new role, Warren will be charged with getting the nascent agency on its feet and setting the tone for years to come. The White House isn’t expected to name a nominee for the directorship for months, sources say. ************************* Shahien Nasiripour is the business reporter for the Huffington Post. You can send him an e-mail ; bookmark his page ; subscribe to his RSS feed ; follow him on Twitter ; friend him on Facebook ; become a fan ; and/or get e-mail alerts when he reports the latest news. He can be reached at 646-274-2455.

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Elizabeth Warren To Lead Search For New Consumer Chief, Could ‘Pull A Dick Cheney’

September 16, 2010

In addition to being charged with forming the newly-created agency dedicated to protecting consumers from abusive financial products, Elizabeth Warren will lead the administration’s effort to find the first director of the nascent unit, the Huffington Post has learned. President Barack Obama will name Warren, a famed consumer advocate and passionate defender of the middle class, as one of his top advisers on Friday, creating a role inside the White House for the Harvard Law professor and bailout watchdog to lead the effort in forming the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection. Warren, though, will not be named as his nominee for the Senate-confirmed, five-year post to lead the new entity — at least not yet. She will, however, lead the search to find the right person. Consumer advocates and several dozen members of Congress say she’s it. “Who knows? Maybe she’ll pull a Dick Cheney,” said one source familiar with the matter. Former Vice President Cheney was tapped by then-Gov. George W. Bush to lead his search for a running mate during the 2000 presidential campaign. Cheney settled on himself. The possibility of Obama picking Warren surged in recent days after Obama heaped praise on her last Friday and called her a “dear friend.” However, a day after word leaked Wednesday that Warren would be selected for this different role, news outlets including CBS News, citing the White House, reported that not only was it unlikely Warren would get the nod — she allegedly didn’t want the position in the first place. House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-Mass.) also said that Warren didn’t want the five-year role . Warren backers hold out hope that she remains on the short list of nominees for the permanent job, but CBS News reports that, “It is highly unlikely that Warren … will eventually be nominated to be director of the bureau.” According to CBS, Warren “is no longer on the list” for the long-term position. The reports could serve to undermine Warren before she even steps into the job. However, if it appears that she’ll ultimately deem herself the most qualified candidate for the permanent position — and her backers in Congress, the White House, and advocacy organizations that have the White House’s ear agree — Obama could very well end up choosing the middle class advocate. Support for Warren reached a fever pitch over the summer, as backers presented her as critical to both the success of the new agency and the financial reform effort as a whole. With a budget approaching $500 million and a staff expected to number in the hundreds, the agency represents the consolidation of a multitude of units inside government charged with protecting borrowers. It’s been touted as the capstone of the Obama administration’s effort to reform the nation’s broken financial system. Getting the right person in the job for the historic agency is key, experts and administration officials say. And Warren has long been touted as the natural choice for the position, given her advocacy on behalf of borrowers, her noted research into consumer debt and financial products, and the fact that she conceived the agency in a 2007 journal article. But Warren is seen as a polarizing figure. Her aggressive advocacy on behalf of working-class families has made her an enemy of lenders who favor less regulation and more opportunities for fee-based income, like excessive overdraft levies and credit card surcharges. Mortgages with exploding interest rates and well-hidden fees were particularly profitable for lenders during the boom, and Warren has fought against such practices. In her new role, Warren will be charged with getting the nascent agency on its feet and setting the tone for years to come. The White House isn’t expected to name a nominee for the directorship for months, sources say. ************************* Shahien Nasiripour is the business reporter for the Huffington Post. You can send him an e-mail ; bookmark his page ; subscribe to his RSS feed ; follow him on Twitter ; friend him on Facebook ; become a fan ; and/or get e-mail alerts when he reports the latest news. He can be reached at 646-274-2455.

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David Isenberg: What If?: The Battle That Did Not Have to Happen

September 6, 2010

Now that the United States has declared an end to the combat stage of its operations in Iraq, as if that is stopping IEDs from going off and deterring insurgents from attacking, it is time to start the inevitable process known as what if.” All historians and pundits sooner or later do this. For example, what if someone had stood up to Dick Cheney and prevented him from browbeating the U.S. intelligence community into giving the Bush administration the intelligence analyses that suited its preconceptions. What if the U.S. military had planned for a prolonged insurgency? What if Paul Bremer hadn’t disbanded the Iraqi army? And on the subject of private security contractors, what if the U.S. military had done something different after four Blackwater contractors were killed in Fallujah in 2004? Recall that on March 31, 2004 Iraqi insurgents in Fallujah ambushed a convoy containing four Blackwater contractors who were guarding a convoy carrying kitchen supplies to a military base, for the catering company Eurest Support Services The four contractors, Scott Helvenston, Jerko Zovko, Wesley Batalona and Michael Teague, were dragged from their cars, beaten, and set ablaze. Their burned corpses were then dragged through the streets before two of them were hung over a bridge crossing the Euphrates. Photos of the event were released to news agencies worldwide, causing a great deal of indignation and moral outrage in the United States, and prompting the announcement of an upcoming “pacification” of the city. Fallujah was already a hotbed of discontent, thanks to past U.S. screw-ups. In April 2003, just a month after the initial U.S. invasion, US forces opened fire on a group of unarmed demonstrators, claiming they were fired at. Fallujah’s mayor, Taha Bedaiwi al-Alwani, said that two people were killed and 14 wounded. Although the majority of the residents was Sunni and had supported Saddam Hussein’s rule, Fallujah was one of the most peaceful areas of the country just after his fall. There was very little looting and the new mayor was pro-United States. Although people knew at the time and have said many times since, it still deserves mentioning that sending U.S. troops into Fallujah after the killing of the Blackwater contractors was the wrong thing to do. It led to a failed siege of Fallujah in April 2004 ( Operation Vigilant Resolve, also known as the First Battle of Fallujah, done by US Marines) Thus, the intended Marine Corps strategy of foot patrols, less aggressive raids, humanitarian aid, and close cooperation with local leaders was suspended on orders to mount a military operation to clear guerrillas from Fallujah. 27 American servicemen were killed in and around Fallujah during the battle, as well as hundreds of Iraqis, both civilians and insurgents. After months of counter-insurgency activity this was followed by a joint U.S.-Iraqi-British offensive of November 7, 2004 named Operation Phantom Fury, also known as the Second Battle of Fallujah. In retrospect these battled were not fated to happen. The might has been avoided if the Bush administration had actually listed to the voices of its commanders on the ground, which, by the way, is something it always claimed it did. But it appears that was more rhetoric than reality. Nowhere is this better detailed than in the book New Dawn: The Battles for Fallujah by Richard S. Lowry, published this past May. Let me quote from the foreword: Violence was down during the first three months of 2004 because of Saddam’s capture, but that changed on March 31 when insurgents in Fallujah dragged four Blackwater contractors from their SUVs, beat them savagely, and set them on fire. The brutal desecration of their bodies–pictures of which were infamously broadcast around the world–prompted some leaders to advocate immediate retaliation. Although a response was justified, hindsight tells us a more carefully considered reaction would have better served our short- and long-term goals. And from the first chapter: Within hours of the Blackwater ambush on the last day of March 2004, the Marines moved to cordon off the entire city. Inside, the enemy prepared for the inevitable assault. Major General James Mattis and Lieutenant General James Conway, however, recommended restraint. The Assistant Division Commander, Brigadier General John Kelley, sought to temper America’s response in the Division’s daily report. As we review the actions in Fallujah yesterday, the murder of four private security personnel in the most brutal way, we are convinced that this act was spontaneous mob action. Under the wrong circumstances this could have taken place in any city in Iraq. We must avoid the temptation to strike out in retribution. In the only 10 days we have been here we have engaged the “good” and the bad in Fallujah everyday, and have casualties to show for our efforts. We must remember that the citizens and officials of Fallujah were already gathering up and delivering what was left of three victims before asked to do so, and continue in their efforts to collect up what they can of the dismembered remnants of the fourth. We have a well thought out campaign plan that considers the Fallujah problem across its very complicated spectrum. This plan most certainly includes kinetic action, but going overly kinetic at this juncture plays into the hands of the opposition in exactly the way they assume we will. This is why they shoot and throw hand grenades out of crowds, to bait us into overreaction. The insurgents did not plan this crime, it dropped into their lap. We should not fall victim to their hopes for a vengeful response. To react to this provocation, as heinous as it is, will likely negate the efforts of the 82nd Airborne Division paid for in blood, and complicate our campaign plan, which we have not yet been given the opportunity to implement. Counterinsurgency forces have learned many times in the past that the desire to demonstrate force and resolve has long term and generally negative implications, and destabilize rather than stabilize the environment. The Marine commanders did not want to further disenfranchise the people of Fallujah. They told their corps commander, U.S. Army Lieutenant General Ricardo Sanchez that they could find the perpetrators of the ambush and bring them to justice within two weeks. Sanchez passed on the Marines’ recommendation. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, however, was not impressed with the suggestion for a tempered response and ordered the Marines to attack Conway and Mattis had delivered their recommendation as to how they thought they should respond, but when they received their orders, they–like any good Marines–unflinchingly obeyed them.

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David Isenberg: When Just Following Orders is Good Enough

July 27, 2010

In my last post, while discussing a law journal article on how to prosecute a PMC should one commit an act of torture, I touched on the Nuremberg defense, i.e., I was just following orders. I said it would be the subject of another post but I did not expect to discuss it so soon. But thanks to the magic of online searching I came across another current law journal article on just that subject. Really, honest, cross my heart and hope to die. Specifically it is an article in the Western New England Law Review ( 32 W. New Eng. L. Rev. 373) titled “I’m Just Following Orders: A Fair Standard of Immunity for Military Service Contractors,” by Thomas Gray Gray’s take is different, though not necessarily opposite, the view I detailed in my last post. Gray asks whether private military service contractors should be afforded any level of immunity because of their contractual relationship with the United States military and the United States government. He concludes that contractors are entitled to some immunity. The critical question is just how much immunity should be granted, the situations in which such immunity would apply, and the basis for such immunity in relation to existing legal concepts and policy considerations. As the saying goes, the devil is in the details. As everyone should know by now contractors are steadily replacing enlisted, uniformed soldiers in many aspects of the military’s various missions. Despite the decreased use of its own personnel, the military still has an active hand in dictating flight patterns, passenger lists, maintenance schedules, security protocols, and the job specifications for hosts of contractor jobs. This division of labor raises an important legal issue: a soldier cannot sue the United States for injuries he suffers incident to his service, but the soldier can sue a private contractor for such injuries. For example, during the Vietnam War, a soldier transported in a military plane flown by military pilots had no cause of action against the United States if his plane crashed. Today, however, a soldier in Iraq who suffers injury in the crash of a civilian military contractor plane has a cause of action against the airline. According to Gray, while a plane crash might be a rare event it is an unfortunate fact of war that things often go wrong and many people are hurt. Even outside of direct combat, any endeavor as large and complicated as the civilian contractor operation in Iraq is bound to produce tragedy. In some of these cases, the genesis of the incident is not in the negligent execution of a task by a civilian contractor. Perhaps not that rate, actually. I should note that, it was a Presidential Airways (former Blackwater subsidiary) plane that crashed on November 27, 2004 in Afghanistan. All aboard, three soldiers and three civilian crew members, were killed. A 60 Minutes investigation reported that the crash was caused by pilot error but that the company tried to avoid responsibility. Anyway, Gray argues that military service contractors should be entitled to immunity in much the same way that contractors are afforded immunity in the products liability context. This Note proposes that a version of the Boyle v. United Technology Corp. test, logically modified to suit the services industry, would fairly determine the applicability of this immunity. This test would shield contractors from liability when (1) the injury in question resulted from an order, plan, or directive from the United States military, (2) the plan or order was executed without negligence by the contractor, and (3) the contractor had disclosed to the United States any concerns or potential risks. In his view this test presents a workable solution that honors the rationales that have supported military immunity and military products-liability immunity for more than fifty years while at the same time fairly leaving liability to the contractors when their negligent execution of a contractual duty has caused an injury. Not being a lawyer let me try to summarize some of his main points. Forgive me for going long but it is necessary to do justice to his argument. Gray notes the doctrine of sovereign immunity far predates the founding of the United States. It is based on the notion that the King, as the “font of the law,” is not bound by the law; and that the King, as the “font of justice,” cannot be sued in his own courts. To me that sounds like an earlier version of Dick Cheney’s unitary executive theory. Who knew Dick was such an Anglophile! In practical and modern terms, sovereign immunity shields the United States from civil suit and criminal prosecution. In the United States, the federal government was immune from tort actions for more than a century before Congress passed legislation that waived the immunity for certain torts and established jurisdiction in the federal courts over certain types of claims made against the government. This legislation came in the form of the Federal Tort Claims Act (FTCA), which authorized suit against the government for torts which would have been in violation of the local law had they been committed by an individual. Four years after the passage of the FTCA, the United States Supreme Court decided Feres v. United States. In Feres, the Court held that the United States military was not liable for soldiers’ injuries suffered incident to service. The original Feres complaint alleged that the military’s negligence in housing Feres in barracks with a defective heating plant and failure to maintain adequate fire-prevention measures resulted in his death. In barring Feres’s claim, the Court gave broad immunity to the military for injuries arising in the course of a soldier’s duties, whether those duties were performed in peacetime or wartime and whether the duties were pedestrian or high risk. The Supreme Court added a third factor four years later in United States v. Brown. There, the Court expressed concern about the dangers posed to military discipline by the litigation of claims brought by servicemen and servicewomen. In Brown, a discharged soldier alleged medical negligence at a Veterans’ Administration Hospital during his surgery to correct an injury incurred during military service. The Court read into the Feres decision a recognition of both the special nature of military discipline and the potential untoward results of litigating allegedly negligent command decisions or orders. The Court found that the Feres Court had read the FTCA to exclude claims that involved the “peculiar and special relationship of the soldier to his superior.” The Brown Court ultimately decided that Feres did not control in that case and thus provided little analysis of what eventually became the predominant Feres factor: military discipline. Outside of the military realm, there is an extensive history of derivative sovereign immunity for those acting at the will of the government. In Yearsley v. W.A. Ross Construction Co., the Supreme Court held that an agent of the government was not amenable to suit when carrying out the will of Congress. In such cases, the Court held, the only way for the agent to be liable would be if he acted outside the bounds of his authority or if there was no legitimate power to give that authority. The Supreme Court would take up the issue of military-contractor immunity in Boyle v. United Technologies Corp. where it recognized and established the test for military-contractor immunity for products liability. Boyle centered on the death of a United States Marine helicopter pilot and the subsequent suit the pilot’s father filed against the helicopter manufacturer. A primary focus of the Court’s decision was the tension between the wholly federal role of military contractors and the fundamental concepts of state tort law. Boyle held that federal law can supersede state tort law, even without statutory authorization, in cases that represent a “uniquely federal interest[].”Two uniquely federal interests were presented in Boyle: “obligations to and rights of the United States under its contracts” and “the civil liability of federal officials for actions taken in the course of their duty.” Despite the fact that the suit was nominally against the contractor, it was sufficiently related to a contract involving the United States to be considered within the first interest. As well, the policy ] goals of the second interest are maintained whether a federal official is involved directly or not. Though the Court acknowledged that suits between private parties unrelated to the United States are left to state tort law, it distinguished Boyle, pointing out that because “the imposition of liability on Government contractors will directly affect the terms of Government contracts … the interests of the United States will be directly affected.” A test ultimately emerged from Boyle that allows for immunity from suit for contractors in situations in which (1) the United States approved design specifications, (2) the materials produced by a civilian contractor met those specifications, and (3) the contractor warned the United States about any dangers in the use of the materials of which it was aware but the United States was not. The third element of the test, the Court stated, was necessary to create disincentives for contractors to withhold information from the military about potential dangers. The various issues of contractor immunity discussed above converged in McMahon v. Presidential Airways, Inc., in which the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals heard a claim for derivative Feres immunity in a case involving a service contract. As noted above Presidential Airways had contracted with the United States to fly military officers and personnel to and from various locations in the Middle East. One of its trips unfortunately ended in a crash that proved fatal to three United States servicemen. The survivors brought suit against Presidential Airways on behalf of the deceased soldiers in Florida state court, alleging that it had caused the wrongful death of the soldiers. Presidential Airways argued that it should be immune under the Feres doctrine, but the Eleventh Circuit disagreed. The court did not base its decision on the notion that Feres could not apply to suits against nongovernment entities. Instead, the Eleventh Circuit engaged the concept of derivative Feres immunity presented by Presidential Airways. First the court analyzed Presidential Airways’s claim that, as a common law agent, it was entitled to the government’s sovereign immunity. The court never decided whether Presidential Airways was a common law agent, but it did disagree with Presidential Airways’s position that, if it was, it would be entitled to derivative sovereign immunity. The court then considered the Feres doctrine and found that it was simultaneously too broad and too narrow to be applied in the claim against Presidential Airways. The doctrine was too broad, the court held, because it allowed immunity for any injury “incident to service,” which would protect contractors from things well outside the policy aims supported by Feres., the doctrine was held to be too narrow in that it only provided immunity from suits by soldiers, not by civilians. This paradoxical set of weaknesses of the Feres doctrine as applied to the McMahon facts would produce absurd results – such as having the claims on behalf of the soldiers completely barred regardless of merit – yet would allow for claims against Presidential Airways by any nonmilitary personnel on board the crashed flight. Because of these faults in the Feres argument, the court rejected its application. The court did recognize the fact that the third Feres factor, a fear of interference and evaluation of sensitive military decisions, was applicable to the McMahon facts. Despite finding the other two factors inapplicable and ultimately rejecting Presidential Airways’s derivative Feres claims, the court found that the value of the all-important third factor could merit some level of immunity for Presidential Airways. The court went on to suggest that this standard for immunity would be somewhere between “incident to service” and the political-question doctrine. It would need to be less than “incident to service” for the same reason that the “incident to service” standard of Feres made that doctrine too broad, namely that it would protect contractors from liability in virtually all of their actions, regardless of negligence. The questions then posed by the court were whether the political-question doctrine was too narrow and whether there were instances in which Presidential Airways could merit immunity while at the same time not requiring the court to directly consider a political question. Ultimately, the court did not answer these questions and instead left them merely as suggestions. Gray argues that the Boyle test should be applied to service contractors. Civilian companies who contract to provide services to the United States military should receive immunity from civil liability in cases where they have acted in compliance with specific directions of the United States military. This immunity is necessary for two reasons. First, it is necessary to protect the discretion of the United States in its military contracts, discretion that would be threatened by contract liability for actions performed by a contractor under the direction of the United States. Second, a service-contractor immunity is necessary to maintain the internal discipline of the United States military, which could be threatened if regular tort analysis was applied to the orders and directions given to military contractors. The test used in Boyle provides the most effective and fair standard to use for military contractors. It shields contractors from liability in cases where the principle cause of the injury is not any individualized negligence but instead springs from some larger decision made by the United States military. A modification of this three-part test represents the best route to an immunity standard for service contractors. The first prong of the test is that the contractor had a reasonably specific outline of its contractual duties. This flows from the first prong of Boyle’s test, which requires that “the United States approve[] reasonably precise specifications.” This factor guarantees that the military has actually been involved in the decision-making process by giving the contractor a reasonably precise set of requirements and parameters for its contractual duties. Within each individual type of service, the nature of these specifications would be different. For contracted airlines, it could be military control over flight plans, passenger lists, and other things that lead to very specific parameters within which to conduct each flight. For a maintenance contractor, it could be the protocols the military had established for the frequency and thoroughness of inspection and repair. For a private security contractor, it could be protocols covering the use of force or a host of other details. While the requirement might not be satisfied in exactly the same way for any two contractors, this standard is flexible enough to only provide immunity for contractors whose duties were discretionally decided by the United States military. The key in any type of service contract would be that the guidelines provided by the government “constituted a comprehensive regime that [the contractor] was not expected to supplement through any procedures other than those specifically set forth.” Each attempt to establish this immunity would thus require contractors to show that the course of their actions was determined by a “comprehensive regime.” Contractors who were not given specific parameters for their actions and who were given broader discretion in determining how their duties would be carried out would not be protected in this immunity standard. Without the existence of specified protocols mandated by the military, there are no pertinent discretionary decisions made by the government which the court must protect. An example of this came in the application of Boyle in Chapman, where the court did not find evidence of any precise specifications and thus found the Boyle test inapplicable. The second prong of the test requires that the contractor completed its duties according to the standard required by the specific governmental regime or protocol. This prong comes from the Boyle test’s requirement that the final product met government specifications. This requirement is necessary to definitively connect the injury at issue to a discretionary decision made by the military and would preclude immunity in situations in which the contractor either did not complete its duties or did so negligently. Contractors who negligently perform their obligations should not be protected from liability simply because they have a contract with the government. Furthermore, because the military’s discretionary decision would be too far removed from claims involving contractor negligence, such claims would not be covered by the policy rationales underlying the discretionary-function exemption. In attempting to establish the immunity, the contractor would have to show that its performance complied with its government instructions. The third prong of the test requires that the contractor disclose to the United States any knowledge of risks or dangers that it knew of within the government’s plans. This flows directly from the final part of the Boyle test, which requires that “the supplier warned the United States about the dangers in the use of the equipment that were known to the supplier but not the United States.” The third factor, as in Boyle, is necessary to prevent contractors from protecting themselves merely by not disclosing their own awareness of risks.

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Halliburton’s Profit SOARS Despite Gulf Oil Spill, Drilling Ban

July 19, 2010

Some companies wear controversy like a good suit. Take Halliburton–this morning, the drilling company reported a whopping 83 percent jump in profits in the second quarter. And yes, during the Deepwater Horizon scandal. Revenue rose 26 percet from a year ago to $4.39 billion. Halliburton also added 1,700 employees last quarter, amounting to roughly 57,000 employees worldwide. Despite its involvement in the Gulf spill — specifically, Halliburton worked on the Gulf oil rig 20 hours before it burst into flames — and a moratorium on new offshore drilling projects, Dick Cheney’s former company has quickly plugged its own profit gaps during the worst oil spill in history. The ban is expected to shave off only 5-8 cents a share for the next two quarters. This morning, CEO Dave Lesar told investors and analysts that it has begun deploying Gulf-based employees to its new focus: land drilling operations. The company is also boosting offshore drilling activity in Norway, (via BG Norge ), Mexico and Brazil. “The tragic incident that occurred in the Gulf of Mexico and the subsequent suspension of deepwater drilling, we believe, will usher in a new regulatory climate and will have a profound impact on how deepwater drilling is performed,” Lesar said. Meanwhile, the company ranks only second to Shell in patent-building activities, according to Patent Scorecard. The new technologies will be used to capitalize on untapped markets, the company has said. All this has led to Halliburton’s margins widening from only 3 percent a few quarters ago to pre-recession levels of 21 pecent .

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Richard Greener: BP Has An Ace Up Its Sleeve. Watch Out!

June 11, 2010

Scream as loud as you like. In this political poker game, BP’s holding a winning hand. The longer we go without stopping the oil leak and the closer we get to realizing the true scope of the damage, the angrier the American people will get. When that righteous anger finally boils over, that’s when BP will play their hole card. It’s not really BP’s alone. The sleeve, the whole shirt actually, belongs to the entire oil industry. The hidden ace is sometimes called the “Selfish American Card.” What it means is this — Americans are not willingly pay the price for this disaster. We’re too selfish. We won’t pay. And what won’t we pay for? All the costs that come after we make BP pay. The cost to stop the leak. To clean up the mess. To repair the lives of millions of our fellow citizens. And it’s not just the costs that flow from this spill. It’s all the spills yet to come — and they will. No one knows this better than the oil industry. Once you get away from the shoreline, far from Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and Florida (we won’t even talk about Texas or Alaska), Americans will not care. You can put all the oil-soaked, dying birds you want on TV; show us the oily beaches and ravaged wetlands; make us stare into the faces of the men, women and children whose lives have been shattered. Believe me. Nobody will agree to pay more at the pump to make these places and these people whole again. Nobody really wants to stop offshore drilling. We can’t. We’re addicts. You doubt this? Check the facts. Then tell me you still have doubts. Sorry, but the people who live where offshore drilling exists are on their own, now and in the future. Everyday, around the globe, about 85 million barrels of oil pour into the human community. The United States, with less than 5% of the world’s population, uses 24.3% of that oil. Nearly a quarter of the world’s gasoline burned everyday by 1/20th of the people who live on this planet. We produce about 5.8% ourselves, and about a third of it from offshore drilling. How many gallons of gas from offshore drilling are we talking about? I hope you’re sitting down. The Minerals Management Service reports 527 million barrels a year from offshore wells. That’s 23.5 billion gallons of gas! View this from a wider perspective. China, with 19.6 of all human beings, consumes only 8.9% of the world’s gasoline. The European Union, with slightly more people than the United States, uses 16.9%. India, home to 17.3% of all people on Earth, uses a tiny 3.1% of the gasoline. So, the US and Europe, with 1/10th the world’s population uses an astounding 41.2% of the world oil supply, while China and India, with 36.9% of the human population uses only 12%. Americans should ask, for safety sake if no other reason — how long can we get away with that? And how could we possibly survive without our own offshore drilling? When the pressure builds to the bursting point, we will turn our backs on our brothers along the Gulf Coast. Here’s why. The best selling motor vehicle in the US is the Ford F-Series truck. There are more than 33 million of them. The #3 best seller is Chevy’s Silverado, and #8 is the Dodge Ram. The Ford has a fuel tank that holds 40 gallons. Silverado’s tank tops out at 26 gallons, and the Dodge Ram — again, I hope your sitting — it has a maximum capacity of 52 gallons. If we scare the oil companies — and hanging BP out to dry over this Gulf spill will do just that — they will grab us by our wallets and squeeze so hard we’ll give them anything. They will make Cheney’s waterboarding look like a picnic. How about gasoline prices here at costs already common in Europe? Are you up for it? Fill your tank in The Netherlands and you’ll shell out $7 bucks a gallon. A Ford F-Series would cost $280 to fill up. The Silverado $182. And the Dodge Ram (ouch!) $364 bucks. You think Big Oil will stop there? How long would Obama be able to withstand $12 a gallon gas? The Ford would cost $480 for a fill up. The Silverado jumps to $312, and your Dodge Ram (if you can afford one), $624 just to fill it up! Now do you understand the “Selfish American Card” tucked up BP’s sleeve? There are about 310 million of us here in the United States. How many will willingly part with $150-$200 each time they get gas? Who among us will pay double that? It’s no longer, “when the rubber meets the road.” Now it’s when the gas pump reads a number that turns the contents of your colon liquid. Sure, we all love New Orleans, but… Hey, wait a minute! BP has an ace up its sleeve all right. The more we holler for them to “get the job done” — the more we insist they pay, the closer they get to playing it. The “Selfish American Card.” How easy will it be to frighten us, to raise the specter of $7 gas, $12 gas, even $15 gas? A lot easier than you think. If you live along the Gulf Coast, I feel sorry for you. If you live in The Rest Of America, don’t fool yourself, or feel guilty about being so selfish. You’re not alone.

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Richard Greener: BP Has An Ace Up Its Sleeve. Watch Out!

June 11, 2010

Scream as loud as you like. In this political poker game, BP’s holding a winning hand. The longer we go without stopping the oil leak and the closer we get to realizing the true scope of the damage, the angrier the American people will get. When that righteous anger finally boils over, that’s when BP will play their hole card. It’s not really BP’s alone. The sleeve, the whole shirt actually, belongs to the entire oil industry. The hidden ace is sometimes called the “Selfish American Card.” What it means is this — Americans are not willingly pay the price for this disaster. We’re too selfish. We won’t pay. And what won’t we pay for? All the costs that come after we make BP pay. The cost to stop the leak. To clean up the mess. To repair the lives of millions of our fellow citizens. And it’s not just the costs that flow from this spill. It’s all the spills yet to come — and they will. No one knows this better than the oil industry. Once you get away from the shoreline, far from Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and Florida (we won’t even talk about Texas or Alaska), Americans will not care. You can put all the oil-soaked, dying birds you want on TV; show us the oily beaches and ravaged wetlands; make us stare into the faces of the men, women and children whose lives have been shattered. Believe me. Nobody will agree to pay more at the pump to make these places and these people whole again. Nobody really wants to stop offshore drilling. We can’t. We’re addicts. You doubt this? Check the facts. Then tell me you still have doubts. Sorry, but the people who live where offshore drilling exists are on their own, now and in the future. Everyday, around the globe, about 85 million barrels of oil pour into the human community. The United States, with less than 5% of the world’s population, uses 24.3% of that oil. Nearly a quarter of the world’s gasoline burned everyday by 1/20th of the people who live on this planet. We produce about 5.8% ourselves, and about a third of it from offshore drilling. How many gallons of gas from offshore drilling are we talking about? I hope you’re sitting down. The Minerals Management Service reports 527 million barrels a year from offshore wells. That’s 23.5 billion gallons of gas! View this from a wider perspective. China, with 19.6 of all human beings, consumes only 8.9% of the world’s gasoline. The European Union, with slightly more people than the United States, uses 16.9%. India, home to 17.3% of all people on Earth, uses a tiny 3.1% of the gasoline. So, the US and Europe, with 1/10th the world’s population uses an astounding 41.2% of the world oil supply, while China and India, with 36.9% of the human population uses only 12%. Americans should ask, for safety sake if no other reason — how long can we get away with that? And how could we possibly survive without our own offshore drilling? When the pressure builds to the bursting point, we will turn our backs on our brothers along the Gulf Coast. Here’s why. The best selling motor vehicle in the US is the Ford F-Series truck. There are more than 33 million of them. The #3 best seller is Chevy’s Silverado, and #8 is the Dodge Ram. The Ford has a fuel tank that holds 40 gallons. Silverado’s tank tops out at 26 gallons, and the Dodge Ram — again, I hope your sitting — it has a maximum capacity of 52 gallons. If we scare the oil companies — and hanging BP out to dry over this Gulf spill will do just that — they will grab us by our wallets and squeeze so hard we’ll give them anything. They will make Cheney’s waterboarding look like a picnic. How about gasoline prices here at costs already common in Europe? Are you up for it? Fill your tank in The Netherlands and you’ll shell out $7 bucks a gallon. A Ford F-Series would cost $280 to fill up. The Silverado $182. And the Dodge Ram (ouch!) $364 bucks. You think Big Oil will stop there? How long would Obama be able to withstand $12 a gallon gas? The Ford would cost $480 for a fill up. The Silverado jumps to $312, and your Dodge Ram (if you can afford one), $624 just to fill it up! Now do you understand the “Selfish American Card” tucked up BP’s sleeve? There are about 310 million of us here in the United States. How many will willingly part with $150-$200 each time they get gas? Who among us will pay double that? It’s no longer, “when the rubber meets the road.” Now it’s when the gas pump reads a number that turns the contents of your colon liquid. Sure, we all love New Orleans, but… Hey, wait a minute! BP has an ace up its sleeve all right. The more we holler for them to “get the job done” — the more we insist they pay, the closer they get to playing it. The “Selfish American Card.” How easy will it be to frighten us, to raise the specter of $7 gas, $12 gas, even $15 gas? A lot easier than you think. If you live along the Gulf Coast, I feel sorry for you. If you live in The Rest Of America, don’t fool yourself, or feel guilty about being so selfish. You’re not alone.

Read the full article →

Richard Greener: BP Has An Ace Up Its Sleeve. Watch Out!

June 11, 2010

Scream as loud as you like. In this political poker game, BP’s holding a winning hand. The longer we go without stopping the oil leak and the closer we get to realizing the true scope of the damage, the angrier the American people will get. When that righteous anger finally boils over, that’s when BP will play their hole card. It’s not really BP’s alone. The sleeve, the whole shirt actually, belongs to the entire oil industry. The hidden ace is sometimes called the “Selfish American Card.” What it means is this — Americans are not willingly pay the price for this disaster. We’re too selfish. We won’t pay. And what won’t we pay for? All the costs that come after we make BP pay. The cost to stop the leak. To clean up the mess. To repair the lives of millions of our fellow citizens. And it’s not just the costs that flow from this spill. It’s all the spills yet to come — and they will. No one knows this better than the oil industry. Once you get away from the shoreline, far from Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and Florida (we won’t even talk about Texas or Alaska), Americans will not care. You can put all the oil-soaked, dying birds you want on TV; show us the oily beaches and ravaged wetlands; make us stare into the faces of the men, women and children whose lives have been shattered. Believe me. Nobody will agree to pay more at the pump to make these places and these people whole again. Nobody really wants to stop offshore drilling. We can’t. We’re addicts. You doubt this? Check the facts. Then tell me you still have doubts. Sorry, but the people who live where offshore drilling exists are on their own, now and in the future. Everyday, around the globe, about 85 million barrels of oil pour into the human community. The United States, with less than 5% of the world’s population, uses 24.3% of that oil. Nearly a quarter of the world’s gasoline burned everyday by 1/20th of the people who live on this planet. We produce about 5.8% ourselves, and about a third of it from offshore drilling. How many gallons of gas from offshore drilling are we talking about? I hope you’re sitting down. The Minerals Management Service reports 527 million barrels a year from offshore wells. That’s 23.5 billion gallons of gas! View this from a wider perspective. China, with 19.6 of all human beings, consumes only 8.9% of the world’s gasoline. The European Union, with slightly more people than the United States, uses 16.9%. India, home to 17.3% of all people on Earth, uses a tiny 3.1% of the gasoline. So, the US and Europe, with 1/10th the world’s population uses an astounding 41.2% of the world oil supply, while China and India, with 36.9% of the human population uses only 12%. Americans should ask, for safety sake if no other reason — how long can we get away with that? And how could we possibly survive without our own offshore drilling? When the pressure builds to the bursting point, we will turn our backs on our brothers along the Gulf Coast. Here’s why. The best selling motor vehicle in the US is the Ford F-Series truck. There are more than 33 million of them. The #3 best seller is Chevy’s Silverado, and #8 is the Dodge Ram. The Ford has a fuel tank that holds 40 gallons. Silverado’s tank tops out at 26 gallons, and the Dodge Ram — again, I hope your sitting — it has a maximum capacity of 52 gallons. If we scare the oil companies — and hanging BP out to dry over this Gulf spill will do just that — they will grab us by our wallets and squeeze so hard we’ll give them anything. They will make Cheney’s waterboarding look like a picnic. How about gasoline prices here at costs already common in Europe? Are you up for it? Fill your tank in The Netherlands and you’ll shell out $7 bucks a gallon. A Ford F-Series would cost $280 to fill up. The Silverado $182. And the Dodge Ram (ouch!) $364 bucks. You think Big Oil will stop there? How long would Obama be able to withstand $12 a gallon gas? The Ford would cost $480 for a fill up. The Silverado jumps to $312, and your Dodge Ram (if you can afford one), $624 just to fill it up! Now do you understand the “Selfish American Card” tucked up BP’s sleeve? There are about 310 million of us here in the United States. How many will willingly part with $150-$200 each time they get gas? Who among us will pay double that? It’s no longer, “when the rubber meets the road.” Now it’s when the gas pump reads a number that turns the contents of your colon liquid. Sure, we all love New Orleans, but… Hey, wait a minute! BP has an ace up its sleeve all right. The more we holler for them to “get the job done” — the more we insist they pay, the closer they get to playing it. The “Selfish American Card.” How easy will it be to frighten us, to raise the specter of $7 gas, $12 gas, even $15 gas? A lot easier than you think. If you live along the Gulf Coast, I feel sorry for you. If you live in The Rest Of America, don’t fool yourself, or feel guilty about being so selfish. You’re not alone.

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Cheney Under Evaluation After Entering Washington Hospital With Chest Pain

February 22, 2010

By Nicholas Johnston Feb. 22 (Bloomberg) — Former Vice President Dick Cheney went to a Washington hospital today after experiencing chest pains, a statement from his office said. Cheney is resting comfortably as doctors at George Washington University Hospital are “evaluating the situation,” the statement said. Cheney, 69, has had four heart attacks, all of them before he became vice president in 2001. In October 2008, he was treated for an abnormal heart rhythm that was discovered by his doctors. To contact the reporter on this story: Nicholas Johnston in Washington at njohnston3@bloomberg.net

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General Petraeus Says U.S. Combat Losses in Afghanistan Will Be `Tough’

February 21, 2010

By Alison Vekshin Feb. 21 (Bloomberg) — General David Petraeus , the top U.S. commander in the Middle East and Central Asia, said U.S. losses in Afghanistan will be “tough” and the U.S. presence there is necessary to prevent terrorist attacks. These types of military offensives “are hard, and they’re hard all the time,” Petraeus, 57, said today in an interview on NBC’s “Meet the Press” program. “We’re there for a very, very important reason and we can’t forget that,” Petraeus, who heads U.S. Central Command , said. “We’re in Afghanistan to ensure that it cannot once again be a sanctuary for the kind of attacks that were carried out on 9/11.” An offensive by 15,000 Afghan and NATO troops, including U.S. Marines and Afghan and British forces, in southern Afghanistan is seeking to wipe out a Taliban stronghold whose opium crop has helped fund the guerrilla movement. It is the biggest operation against the Taliban since the 2001 U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan following the Sept. 11 attacks. While the Taliban forces are “a bit disjointed,” they are “formidable,” Petraeus said. “There’s still fighting going on, without question.” At least 13 NATO troops, one Afghan soldier, 16 civilians and about 120 insurgents have been killed during the fighting, according to news reports including the Associated Press and Voice of America. Petraeus said the joint Afghan-North Atlantic Treaty Organization operation in southern Afghanistan is the first step in a 12- to 18-month campaign. He called the battle in Marjah, a Taliban stronghold in Afghanistan’s Helmand province and one of the country’s biggest opium-producing areas, “the initial salvo.” Major Combat Test The offensive is the first major combat test of President Barack Obama ’s Afghan policy of sending in reinforcements to reverse Taliban territorial gains, protect civilians and train Afghan forces to start taking over parts of the country in July 2011. The next stage will be to “roll eastwards into Kandahar,” British Major General Nick Carter, the top coalition commander for the area, said Feb. 18. More U.S. and other troops are scheduled to come into Afghanistan from March onward as part of the surge, and additional Afghan security forces coming available every week will aid that next push. The Taliban and “other extremist elements” are fighting back in Marjah, Petraeus said today, comparing the offensive with the U.S. troop surge in Iraq. The al-Qaeda terrorist network is a “thinking and adaptive enemy” and the U.S. has to maintain pressure on it everywhere, Petraeus said. “This is an enemy that is looking for any opportunity to attack our partners and, indeed, our homeland,” Petraeus said. Nuclear-Armed Iran A nuclear-armed Iran is “certainly a ways off,” Petraeus said. The U.S., its European allies and United Nations inspectors suspect Iran is using its uranium enrichment program to build a nuclear bomb. The U.S. wants more UN sanctions aimed at halting the program, which Iran, with the world’s second-biggest oil and natural gas reserves, says is for peaceful uses such as power generation. After a year of trying to handle the issue diplomatically by engaging Iranian officials, the U.S. and other countries will pursue a “pressure track” to express concerns about its nuclear activities, Petraeus said. Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell Petraeus declined to respond to a question on whether he supports repealing the military’s “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy that allows gays to serve as long as they don’t reveal their sexual orientation. He said he would answer the question when he testifies before Congress “if asked at that time.” Petraeus said he’s “not sure” whether U.S. troops care about the sexual orientation of their colleagues, and he supports the Defense Department’s plan to review the policy. Former Secretary of State Colin Powell , 72, rejected claims by former Republican Vice President Dick Cheney that Obama has made the U.S. less safe. “The nation is still at risk,” Powell said today on CBS’s “Face the Nation” program. “But to suggest that somehow we have become much less safer because of the actions of the administration, I don’t think that’s borne out by the facts.” — With assistance from Viola Gienger in Washington and Eltaf Najafizada in Mazar-e-Sharif, Afghanistan. Editors: Ann Hughey , Joe Sabo . To contact the reporter on this story: Alison Vekshin in Washington at avekshin@bloomberg.net

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Biden, Cheney Square Off on Sunday TV Talk Shows Over War on Terrorism

February 14, 2010

By Mark Drajem and Heidi Przybyla Feb. 14 (Bloomberg) — Vice President Joe Biden and his predecessor, Republican Dick Cheney , squared off on the Sunday television talk shows over whether President Barack Obama ’s administration is keeping the nation safe from another terrorist attack. Biden sought to rebut criticisms from Cheney and from Republican lawmakers that the Democratic administration is not doing enough to combat terrorists, speaking on NBC’s “Meet the Press” program and on CBS’s “Face the Nation.” Obama is fighting al-Qaeda “with a vigor like it’s never seen before,” Biden said on NBC. “We’ve eliminated 12 of their top 20 people,” Biden said. “We’ve taken out 100 of their associates.” “We’ve sent them underground,” Biden said. “They are in fact not able to do anything remotely like they were in the past.” Cheney took aim at the Obama administration’s approach to treating terrorism as a criminal act and Biden’s skepticism that another Sept. 11-style attack will occur. “It’s the mindset that concerns me,” he said on ABC’s “This Week” program. “There’s a very high threat” that al-Qaeda is trying to acquire weapons of mass destruction, Cheney said. “You have to consider it as a war,” he said. “You don’t want the vice president of the United States running around saying it’s not likely to happen.” Sept. 11 Suspect Biden expressed confidence that Khalid Sheikh Mohammed , the self-proclaimed mastermind of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, will be found guilty. “There’s no doubt that he would not be acquitted; the facts we have are overwhelming,” Biden said on NBC. “He will be in jail and he will stay there.” Obama is deciding where Mohammed and other Sept. 11 suspects in U.S. custody should be tried, in the face of objections from members of Congress and local residents about holding the trial in New York City. New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg last month told U.S. Budget Director Peter Orszag it would cost more than $200 million a year to provide security for trials of Mohammed and four fellow Guantanamo Bay detainees. The mayor is founder and majority owner of Bloomberg News parent Bloomberg LP. Military Trial When asked whether Mohammed could be tried by a military commission, Biden called that avenue “the less preferable way to go” and added: “I am not ruling anything out.” Cheney predicted Mohammed will ultimately be tried in a military facility somewhere. In Congress, a bipartisan group of lawmakers is pushing to cut off funding to prosecute Mohammed and other Sept. 11 co- conspirators in civilian courts. The Bush administration prosecuted terrorism suspects in civilian courts, just as Obama is doing now, Biden said. “I don’t know what Dick’s been doing lately,” he said on CBS. “We did exactly what he did with the shoe bomber, Richard Reid .” The two also clashed over the use of waterboarding, or simulated drowning, to collect intelligence. Cheney said it’s a technique that should be kept on the table. Biden said it “is not effective,” and he insisted the government has gotten “incredible amounts of information” from Christmas Day bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab by encouraging him to talk. Biden leveled criticism at the Bush administration for the war in Iraq, saying that President George W. Bush ’s decision to overthrow dictator Saddam Hussein was not “worth it in the sense that we paid a horrible price.” Because of Iraq, “we took our eye off the ball, putting us in a much different and more dangerous position in Afghanistan,” Biden said. “We lost support around the world. It’s taken a lot of hard work to get it back.” ‘Enormous Achievement’ Cheney called the war in Iraq an “enormous achievement” that should “go with a healthy dose of ‘thank you, George Bush.’” He labeled as “a little strange” Biden’s recent comment that Iraq will be one of the great achievements of the Obama administration. “I’m glad he now believes Iraq is a success,” Cheney said. “He opposed the policy from the beginning.” Biden said that, while Cheney is entitled to his opinion, “It’s almost like Dick is trying to rewrite history.” Biden said he doesn’t know why Cheney is being so critical of the Obama administration. “All I know is he’s factually, substantively wrong,” the current vice president said. “He either is misinformed or he is misinforming.” Cheney expressed approval of Obama’s handling of Afghanistan, in particular the dedication of more troops and resources to the conflict. “I’m a complete supporter of what they’re doing,” he said. “I think it took him a while to get there.” To contact the reporter on this story: Mark Drajem in Washington at mdrajem@bloomberg.net

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Obama Surrenders to General’s Political Surge: Margaret Carlson

December 9, 2009

Commentary by Margaret Carlson Dec. 10 (Bloomberg) — No more calls. We have a winner. All hail General Stanley McChrystal , who has won his war for 30,000 more troops to be deployed to a country whose government is so rotten and corrupt many of its citizens prefer the Taliban. Marching triumphantly to Capitol Hill on Tuesday, then giving network interviews and long sit-downs with Charlie Rose and Christiane Amanpour , McChrystal showed himself, as much as anyone, to be the decider of our foreign policy. The U.S. war on terror will now be centered in Afghanistan. Don’t mistake this for a surge. It’s an escalation. In a blizzard of clarifying statements from Obama administration officials, the purported July 2011 drawdown date for the reinforcements was rendered inoperable almost as soon as it was uttered. Common sense says the deadline was a feint to calm Democrats. You don’t win the hearts and minds of Afghanis, as McChrystal wants to do, in a lifetime, much less 18 months, or train an army of mostly illiterate, tribal men in a country that exhausted the superior army of the Soviet Union before the U.S. gave it a go. Of all the issues Obama didn’t want on his desk, Afghanistan was the hardest, even without the military hemming him in. McChrystal fought in memos, fought through leaks, fought in the trenches, as much with political arts as martial ones. For a while it looked like McChrystal was being outmaneuvered by Vice President Joe Biden . Biden argued that Afghanistan had changed from a just war to a senseless one because al-Qaeda has mostly moved elsewhere, that the citizenry rightfully hated the corrupt and dysfunctional government, and that drones and special forces on the Afghan border with Pakistan could do the job. Fighting Back McChrystal and anonymous “military officials” fought back. Dramatic excerpts from a classified memo to the president appeared. “Inadequate resources,” the memo from McChrystal warned, “will likely result in failure.” His warning echoed the frequent predictions of doom from former Vice President Dick Cheney , who insisted that Obama’s failure to grasp that we are “at war” and his “dithering” invited renewed terrorist activity. When General Douglas MacArthur disagreed with stopping at the 38th parallel in North Korea, President Harry Truman fired him . If MacArthur had had McChrystal’s savvy, he might have gotten his way. Generals used to be unsuited for prime time: too gruff, too candid, too unpolished. Now most are tanned, rested and ready for their closeup, with P.R. as good as Tiger Woods before the recent troubles. Flatter Me In October, McChrystal let a reporter accompany him to Helmand province and got a long, flattering profile in the New York Times magazine out of it. On the cover, a Patton-like photo. Inside, the story of a man who “pushes himself mercilessly, sleeping four or five hours a night” and subsists on one meal a day. Jumping from a whirring Black Hawk helicopter, he paraded through an outpost in the south without helmet or flak jacket to show how more troops on the ground can calm the populace. That’s a lot of ramrod-straight bravado to match. Democratic presidents are fearful of reviving the charge that they are soft on national security and defer to the military brass. As Representative John Conyers , a Democrat highly critical of Obama’s build-up, put it, “Calling in generals and admirals to discuss troop strength is like me taking my youngest to McDonald’s to ask if he likes French fries.” Obama’s Ambivalence Obama’s nationally televised speech revealed his ambivalence by granting McChrystal what he wanted — 30,000 U.S. troops, plus maybe 10,000 from a coalition of the willing — but only for a little while. Testifying in Congress, McChrystal hedged that double message. He placated restive Democrats with the suggestion that the deployment would end on a date certain, while signaling to Republicans that Obama’s commitment was more open-ended. Meantime, Afghanistan President Hamid Karzai was telling reporters that it would be at least five years before Afghan security forces would be capable of standing up so we could stand down. Defense Secretary Robert Gates , in a surprise trip to the region, said it could be as long as four years before any of the surge troops come home. In a blunder, Gates said what not even the most hawkish say: “We are in this thing to win.” Send Gates — never tan, rarely quotable — to the same media training that’s made generals the envy of Britney Spears . Civilian Leadership Generals should have their say, but not necessarily their way, in the Oval Office. It’s all too easy to lose sight of the constitutional principle that military commanders are subordinate to civilian leadership when a confident general with good press says we will all be dead if we don’t listen to him. During his deliberations, Obama was cast as indecisive and overly sensitive to politics, while McChrystal was seen as resolute, concerned not about his popularity but about his country. Less prominent were the facts that during McCrystal’s command, Osama bin Laden has remained at large and the lie was perpetrated that Corporal Pat Tillman was killed by enemy fire, not accidental friendly fire. It would be heartening to think Obama did the hard thing on Afghanistan not because his hand-picked general intimidated him, but because he became convinced that catastrophe would ensue if he failed to send more American troops. ( Margaret Carlson , author of “Anyone Can Grow Up: How George Bush and I Made It to the White House” and former White House correspondent for Time magazine, is a Bloomberg News columnist. The opinions expressed are her own.) Click on “Send Comment” in the sidebar display to send a letter to the editor. To contact the writer of this column: Margaret Carlson in Washington at mcarlson3@bloomberg.net

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Eric Schurenberg: Economic Recovery? History Says No Way. Not Yet.

October 23, 2009

Take a long enough perspective, and it is no surprise that what some had been calling the GGBAT (the Greatest Global Boom of All Time) ended with the GGRSGD (the Greatest Global Recession Since the Great Depression). Both the boom and its panicky finale fit neatly into a long, human tradition of greed, self-deception and financial folly. And, never mind the Dow at 10,000. Eight centuries of history suggest the GGRSGD is a long way from over. That, anyway, is one of the cheery conclusions you take away from This Time It’s Different: Eight Centuries of Financial Folly , a book co-authored by economists Carmen Reinhart of the University of Maryland and Harvard’s Kenneth Rogoff . The title, in case you didn’t notice, is ironic. The authors’ point is that it’s never different: the temptation to justify reckless financial behavior as long as it’s profitable in the short run is as old as lending. We’re human. We can’t help it. Sigh. Professor Reinhart, who this spring gave CBS MoneyWatch a sneak peak into her book’s insights , met with us editors yesterday. She is disarming, funny, deeply knowledgable and, as her publicist put it, about the only economist you’ll meet who wears Chanel. What she is not, is optimistic. Some findings from her research: Every crisis is preceded by a boom in which people convince themselves that the ordinary rules no long apply . Reinhart recalls visiting Asia in the mid-1990s with the International Monetary Fund, where she worked at the time, and being told in country after country that currency crises could never happen there. “We’re too productive, we have too high a savings rate,” she was told. “Crises only happen in places like Latin America.” That stuck with the Cuban-born Reinhart, especially when the Asian currency crisis hit three years later. Americans take a second seat to none in our capacity to fool ourselves. “Profits don’t matter” : Internet-bubble wisdom, circa 1999 “Deficits don’t matter”: George W. Bush fiscal policy, allegedly voiced by Dick Cheney “Credit quality doesn’t matter”: conventional magical thinking during the GGBAT What that says about our ability to recognize future bubbles in their formative years and head them off is not very encouraging. History suggests we’ve got a long way to go Banking crises like the one we’re in tend to stick around. On average it takes six years for home prices to recover, five years for unemployment to turn around and two years for the economy to come back. We’re acting Japanese and don’t know it We lectured the Japanese during their lost decade on the need to bite the bullet and deal with zombie banks. But now, in the same pickle as the Japanese were, we’re acting with the same irresolution. Remember how TARP was supposed to get troubled assets off the banks’ balance sheets? They’re still there. And like us, the Japanese flooded their economy with stimulative cash that helped jump start growth. By the mid-1990s, though, central bankers and government lost their nerve and began to tighten up. That helped turn a lost five years into a Lost Decade. It’s a repeat of the Japanese mistake that worries Reinhart the most about our current situation. Watch out for Treasuries Almost every financial crisis going back in history has led to a huge surge in sovereign debt. On average, it doubles, and the surge frequently leads to default. In this crisis, the U.S. has made pikers of such world class debtors (and defaulters) as Argentina and Indonesia. Our debt has tripled in a year to $1.2 trillion. A default on U.S. Treasuries is impossible. A downgrade or hyper-inflation, not so impossible. Don’t trust anyone telling you that they’ve found a way around risk That applies equally to insurance salesman selling equity indexed annuities and to central bankers telling you they’re smarter than their predecessors. If you’re thinking about acting on this outlook, remember that Reinhart and Rogoff’s grasp of history doesn’t necessarily give them a failsafe grip on the future. History isn’t kind to prognosticators either, however far back their data goes. ( See Jeremy Siegel, Stocks for the Long Run ). But after talking to Reinhart, I’m double checking my allocations to U.S. Treasuries and thinking of adding more to my inflation-adjusted bonds . If you can’t learn from history, as Santayna said, you could be doomed to subpar real returns. Continue reading on CBS MoneyWatch.com

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Obama Cuts Private Deals On Health Care With Drugmakers, Hospitals

July 21, 2009

WASHINGTON (AP) — In cutting deals with hospitals and drugmakers, President Barack Obama is giving a private inside track to special interests that’s at odds with his promise to make policy in the open. Obama promised Americans he would hold special interests at arm’s length — that it would no longer be business as usual in Washington. He pledged to open government and let the public and press hold his administration accountable

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