infrastructure

Huffington Post…

NEW YORK — A bipartisan transportation bill sponsored by Sen. Barbara Boxer would dramatically expand a federal program that finances “innovative” transportation projects. But in order to secure the expansion of the Transportation Infrastructure Finance and Innovation Act (TIFIA), Boxer had to introduce new rules that would strip away current criteria favoring environmentally sustainable projects, progressive transportation advocates say. Boxer’s transportation bill sailed through the Senate Environment and Public Works committee in an 18-0 bipartisan vote on Nov. 9. But critics say it came at a price for the TIFIA program, which would no longer give environmentally sustainable projects a leg up in the selection process. “At a time when the nation’s transportation system is starved for funds and there is a consensus that dollars need to be spent more wisely, it is outrageous that the one program that would be massively increased would no longer try to deliver the best bang for each buck,” said Phineas Baxandall, a senior analyst at US PIRG, a nonprofit public interest advocacy group. TIFIA has recently been touted by both Democrats and Republicans as an example of how to prop up infrastructure financing in a time of budget deficits. About $110 million a year in federal funds is turned into $1.1 billion in federally-supported loans, which then go a third of the way toward leveraging loans from private sources. Because TIFIA is a loan program, projects have to find some way of paying back the federal government. The revenue stream is most often a toll or other “user fee,” but sometimes it’s something like Los Angele’s 2008 Measure R sales tax . Although TIFIA is run through the Federal Highway Administration, its loans have been used to support everything from toll roads in Texas to light rail in Denver. The only problem: At a time when private financing is hard to come by, everybody wants in on the action. This year there were 34 requests for $14 billion in loans — 14 times more than what the program could support. A lot of cities and states wound up empty-handed. So when the Senate’s Environment and Public Works Committee met to hammer out a deal on a new transportation bill, consensus was quickly reached on vastly expanding the size of TIFIA’s annual funding from $122 million to $1 billion a year. That money could in turn support up to $10 billion in federal loans. It was something of a breakthrough in the transportation world. For years Congress has patched together short-term extensions of the transportation bill. The EPW proposal sponsored by Boxer offers a way out — and, she hopes, a way to finance LA Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa’s dream of building 30 years of transportation projects in a decade. But the bipartisan consensus on the transportation bill appears to have come at a price. One apparent sticking point for Senate Republicans, led by outspoken climate change denier James Inhofe (R-Okla.), the ranking member on EPW, was the 20 percent weight TIFIA puts on “the extent to which the project helps maintain or protect the environment.” That criterion, introduced by the Obama administration, gives mass transit a leg up against toll roads and highways. But it’s anathema to critics like the libertarian Reason Foundation’s Robert Poole, who argued that the emphasis on environmental sustainability “has apparently led to toll projects that add highway capacity getting aced out.” “Senator Boxer’s working in an environment where she’s got to get support from people on the other side of the aisle, and these are the types of issues she’s hammering out,” said Raffi Hamparian, director for federal affairs at the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority. Phineas Baxandall, a senior analyst at U.S. PIRG, said he thinks Boxer may have cut a bad deal. He argues that doing away with TIFIA’s selection criteria means the U.S. Department of Transportation will be forced to give money to any transportation project that meets bare-bones financial eligibility requirements. Under this rolling selection process, when the $1 billion annual federal credit support is gone, it’s gone for the year. Toll roads, backed by private investors looking to make a buck off of “public-private partnerships,” will be first in line, he argued, since they have plans that are “just ready to go off the shelf.” “Those companies are going to likely get the lion’s share of TIFIA funds. And those companies have a lot of power on Wall Street and make a lot of campaign donations, and just have a lot of power,” he said. Los Angeles hopes it will get some of that TIFIA money. Not so fast, Baxandall said. “Places like Atlanta and L.A. are hoping that the new bounty of TIFIA will allow them to finance public transit expansions, but they are likely to find the money already claimed by private toll road projects in places like Florida and Texas.” Others aren’t so sure that mass transit and toll roads are mutually exclusive. Although the selection criterion will be gone, environmentally friendly transportation secretaries will still find ways to make sure sustainable projects head to the front of the line, they argue. A spokesperson who is a staff member of the Senate EPW committee said, “This provision continues to enable the secretary to ensure that each project receives careful consideration. We believe that strong projects will succeed in the new program.” Roy Kienitz, who was until recently the Department of Transportation’s under secretary for policy, said he thought the program’s vastly expanded size might mean there will be plenty of space for all of the projects that meet the eligibility requirements. Although TIFIA was vastly oversubscribed this year, Kienitz said, not all of the applications were truly eligible. “Of the people who are applying, I would say at least half of them fall into the criteria of either a) they just don’t have a realistic idea of a project for a whole host of reasons or b) they may have realistic criteria for a project, but they just haven’t done their homework.” Hamparian, of LA’s Metro, is sure that his city’s project, at the least, will win if TIFIA is expanded. “We’re pretty confident that we’re in a good position to present our project for consideration for TIFIA loans,” he said. “Our bottom line is that we’ve worked very closely with Senator Boxer and we’re very supportive of the final product.” Boxer’s bill is still far from passage. More Senate committees will take a shot at the transportation bill soon, and then the GOP-controlled House will also have its say. Some observers predict the long-awaited arrival of a new transportation bill could simply get pushed off for an additional year in favor of another short-term extension.

Read more from the original source:
Barbara Boxer’s Transportation Bill Would Drop Environmental Criteria In Much-Touted TIFIA Loan Program

Find our Weekly Commercial Real Estate, Private Equity and Fund Newsletters at www.WeeklyBrief.net

{ 0 comments }

Huffington Post…

A few years ago while in the midst of a corporate consulting assignment, I realized that there was one crippling belief that was rampant in every organization I had ever worked with. And this belief was not only the most common belief in organizations, it was, in my opinion, the biggest single barrier that most organizations have. What is this belief? ” I (or we) can’t ….” “We can’t out-source that product.” “I can’t possibly find the time to do that.” “We can’t find the employees we need.” “I can’t get the support I need.” “We can’t possibly finish the project as quickly as the customer wants.” And the list goes on and on. If you work in a company you hear I can’t … all day long. And if someone (or lots of some ones) believes something “can’t be done,” then the chances to slim to nil that it will get done. This belief, like any other belief, can be easily eliminated using the Lefkoe Belief Process (LBP) and we used the LBP repeatedly in our organizational work for many years. (The Lefkoe Institute has helped well over 10,000 employees in over 50 corporations eliminate beliefs that kept the organizations from realizing their full potential.) The only difficulty is that we couldn’t be at every meeting of every group of employees to hear each I can’t … being expressed and then eliminate it. And it currently takes a lot of time to train people to be effective with the LBP. So I needed to create a process that I could teach employees quickly that could eliminate the innumerable I can’t … beliefs. My solution was a modified version of the LBP that I call the Lefkoe Belief Process — Possibilities (LBP-P), because when a belief is eliminated, possibilities are created that didn’t exist before. (What can’t be done is not a possibility. As soon as it can be done, a new possibility comes into existence for us. For example, if we can’t raise the money we need, raising the money is not a possibility for us. When the belief is eliminated, raising the money suddenly becomes possible.) This process can be taught to people in less than an hour. I’ve taught it to over a thousand CEOs, who then taught it to others in their companies. Because I can’t … shows up in our personal lives almost as often as in organizations, I thought I would devote this blog post to teaching it to you. So here are the basic steps of the process so you can use it in your organization and with friends. Steps of the Lefkoe Belief Process — Possibilities (This is a modified Lefkoe Belief Process that is used to eliminate I can’t … beliefs in order to enhance innovation and create new possibilities.) You will usually hear someone state, ” I can’t ….” out loud. If you are trying to help someone find their unconscious I can’t … beliefs, you can ask the following three questions: a. What do you want to have happen? b. What do you have to do to make this happen? c. What’s in the way of you doing that? (The answer will be, I can’t … because…. ) 1. What is it you have to do or can’t do? (NOTE: If someone states the belief in a positive way, for example, “we must,” turn it into the negative version, “we can’t.”) 2. How do you know that? What happened that led to the belief being formed? (The source here is not childhood, but one’s recent experience.) 3. Can you see that your belief made sense given your experience? (The answer will always be, yes.) 4. You saw that it couldn’t be done the way you did it, at that time, under those circumstances. Can you say with absolute certainty that it could never be done any way under any circumstances in the future? (Logically, the answer will always have to be, no. You can never say anything about the future with absolute certainty.) 5. Couldn’t your past experience also mean: I haven’t found a way to do it yet, but that does not mean that it can’t be done? (Again, the answer will always be, yes.) 6. Can you see that your belief is only a description of the way it was in the past and not the truth about the future? (The answer will be, yes, which is acknowledging that the belief is no longer the truth.) 7. If it’s not the truth that ” I can’t … [state the belief],” how would you solve the problem if you could do it? (The I can’t … belief is gone after Step No. 6. If you are trying to solve a problem and someone stops the conversation with the belief, We can’t help them eliminate in just five minutes. Then, after the belief is gone, you can return to the discussion and find a solution.) Try using the LBP-P in your company or with a friend and then leave me a note here on my blog about your results. For more information about Morty Lefkoe and how his method for eliminating beliefs can improve business success, please go to http://lefkoe.com . Lefkoe Belief Process-Possibilities Copyright © 1985-2011 Morty Lefkoe Copyright © 2011 Morty Lefkoe

See the original post here:
Morty Lefkoe: Get Rid of the Belief, "I Can’t"

Find our Weekly Commercial Real Estate, Private Equity and Fund Newsletters at www.WeeklyBrief.net

{ 0 comments }

Revenues Of U.S. States Back To Pre-Recession Levels

December 8, 2011

WASHINGTON (Lisa Lambert) – Total tax revenues of U.S. states returned to pre-recession levels in the 2011 third quarter, a public policy institute reported on Thursday, but revenue growth slowed during the period, a worrisome trend for states concerned that economic clouds are gathering as they begin drafting their budgets for next year. Total tax collections in 48 states rose by 7.3 percent in the July-to-September quarter, the Rockefeller Institute of Government reported. “After seven quarters of growth, overall state tax revenues have recovered to pre-recession figures,” said the institute. “Most states have not yet returned to peak levels, however, because those levels came several months into the Great Recession.” The institute’s study did not include data from Hawaii and New Mexico. States had experienced a slight lag from when the economic recession began in 2007 and when the fall in employment, housing prices and consumption hit their coffers. Their revenues reached record highs at the start of the recession, before plummeting in 2008. In much the same way, states are only now beginning to register the recession’s end, which officially was in June 2009, and are eager for revenues to return to the 2008 peaks. Despite the growth in revenues in the July-to-September quarter, a period that is the first fiscal quarter for most states, the rate failed to match growth in the second quarter. “This is a noticeable slowdown from the 10.8 percent year-over-year growth reported in the second quarter of 2011,” said the institute. The European debt crisis, stock market declines, and other economic troubles on the national level have states worried recent revenue improvements will not last. During the recession, their revenues fell sharply for five straight quarters, many to the lowest levels in more than 20 years. Because all states except Vermont have constitutional mandates to balance their budgets, they responded to falling revenues by hiking taxes and slashing spending, often in emergency sessions. After closing more than $500 billion budget gaps over four years, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures, they have few lifelines left. Numerous states instituted temporary tax hikes that are now expiring, and large infusions of funds from the federal government under the economic stimulus plan that helped bridge gaps ended last year. Among the 48 states in Rockefeller’s study, only Delaware, Iowa and Missouri failed to show gains in tax revenues during the third quarter. Moreover, 11 states reported double-digit growth in total tax collections. Personal income taxes, which provide the bulk of revenues for many states, grew 9.2 percent from the same quarter the year before. Sales taxes were up 3.9 percent, in the fourth consecutive quarter of growth. Illinois, Texas and Alaska had the largest rises in tax collections. In Illinois the gain was mostly fueled by legislated tax increases that took effect in January, and Alaska’s strength throughout the recession has rested on oil and mineral prices. Next month, state legislatures and governors will return to work, and to drafting the budgets for the next fiscal year. A slowdown could complicate their abilities to estimate how much money will be available to spend. A recent report by the National Governors Association and the National Association of State Budget Officers found that already 17 states are expecting budget gaps for next fiscal year totaling $40 billion. (Editing by Leslie Adler) Copyright 2011 Thomson Reuters. Click for Restrictions .

Read the full article →

Janice Harper: Moving From Combat to Compassion in the Workplace

December 8, 2011

As concerns about workplace bullying and mobbing bring to light the damaging toll of interpersonal aggression, there remains a disturbing tenor to many of these discussions that leaves me wondering just how possible it will ever be to minimize workplace aggression. With calls to purge and shun anyone labeled “bully” on the one hand, and tips on how to document and eradicate anyone labeled “difficult employee” on the other, there seems to be more and more room for intolerance, exclusion, and aggression among the workforce. I have written elsewhere about my concerns about the use of the bully label, and about the distinction between one-on-one bullying and collective mobbing . Central to these views is my belief that in order to promote civil workplaces, we must extend compassion to our colleagues and co-workers, even when to do so is discomforting. When a worker is targeted for elimination, whether for poor performance, financial constraints, or because they have been unfairly marked for retaliation, discrimination or harassment, the common response among the workforce is to avoid the worker, spread gossip (often masked as “concern”), and align with management. When this happens, workplace mobbing ensues and the impact on the targeted worker is profound. It is at this stage of the process of eliminating a worker that nearly all workers behave at their very worst. The response of a targeted worker is likely to be one of anguish, anger and depression — the very traits that can then be used against the worker to paint him or her as mentally unstable, threatening or unproductive. Workers in management often align to ensure that regardless of the targeted worker’s past performance or procedural fairness, the termination of the worker is presented as justified. Managers climbing the corporate ladder often find themselves acting in ways they personally abhor, but feel they must carry out in order to demonstrate their loyalty and grit. The workers closest to the target become fearful of their jobs, and in many cases, opportunistic. To distance themselves from the target, they are likely to spread gossip that only undermines the worker’s status and further isolates the worker. Moreover, in the interest of workplace entertainment, gossip inevitably becomes embellished as it spreads, until there is little truth to it — but the subject’s reputation is severely damaged nonetheless. As those who spread the gossip feel discomfort in their behaviors — whether by making “small betrayals,” withdrawing friendship and support, spreading rumors, or not sharing critical information with the targeted worker — they are more likely to act even more adversely toward their vulnerable co-worker, to justify their behaviors as necessary and righteous. In short, workplace conflict brings out the worst in people, and the worse people behave, the worse they will behave. What happens in these cases is that we lose sight of human compassion, and replace it with combative behaviors that further erode our humanity and escalate workplace conflicts. Paradoxically, in many of our efforts to eliminate bad behaviors in the workplace, such as efforts to end bullying, sexual harassment, and discrimination, we become so concerned with upholding our virtues that once someone is accused of any of these bad behaviors, we tend to no longer see the worker as a human, but as a symbol of what we abhor. In other cases, once collective mobbing ensues, the targeted worker is viewed as the source of conflict, rather than the target of it. Even in cases involving poor managers, it is all too easy to view them as unsympathetic symbols of corporate power, rather than humans struggling to survive, and build and sustain relationships. The workplace is a network of strategic and treasured relationships, and during times of conflict, these relationships can be destroyed just as new ones can be forged. Yet the more we draw on a rhetoric of intolerance, labeling, and exclusion to rid the workplace of the kinds of people we do not like, the less humane we make the workplace and the more our professional relationships become void of compassion and sincerity. If there is one thing we could do to make our workplaces more rewarding and enriching, it is not by creating ever more categories of the kinds of people we do not want. It is by nurturing compassion within ourselves, one small act at a time. By refraining from gossip, and demonstrating greater kindness to workers who are targeted, we plant seeds of compassion in our workplaces. By cooperating with our colleagues, even when we disagree or dislike them, rather than avoiding them, we plant seeds of compassion in our workplaces. And by understanding that workers under fire may not always behave ideally, but may well be kind and decent people — and excellent workers — we plant seeds of compassion in our workplaces from which the fertile grounds of human relationships might thrive.

Read the full article →

Facebook Announces Big New Plans

December 2, 2011

Facebook’s engineering team is branching out to the Big Apple. During an event at Facebook’s New York City office on Friday, the company’s COO Sheryl Sandberg joined Mayor Michael Bloomberg, Facebook engineering heads and other New York politicians to announce the social network’s new move. The Palo Alto-based company plans to establish its first engineering office in New York by early 2012 and is currently accepting applications for local talent. “Building an engineering presence outside the West Coast is a big step for us, one we would take only if we found the right combination of talent and community support,” said Sheryl Sandberg, Facebook’s Chief Operating Officer, according to a press release . “Silicon Valley companies are realizing that New York is the place that they have to be,” Mayor Bloomberg said, as quoted by Business Insider . “We are home to success stories like Etsy, Gilt Groupe, Foursquare, and more… We want the next Facebook to start in New York City.” Venture Beat notes that the social network maintains two other engineering offices, both on the west coast of the U.S., one in Palo Alto, California, and the other in Seattle, Washington. “It’s a smart move on Facebook’s part,” TechCrunch wrote of Facebook’s plan. “The company will have competition for engineering — including the financial sector, Google (which has a large office in NYC) and the growing startup scene. But it shouldn’t have any trouble attracting top talent, as it still has its valuable pre-IPO stock to give out. In the longer term, it’s also good news for the New York tech scene as a whole.” Facebook is expected to file for an initial public offering before the end of 2011. According to a recent report , the company could seek to raise as much as $10 billion and may be valued as high as $100 billion. Check out our slideshow (below) to see how a Facebook IPO might stack up to IPOs from Netflix, LinkedIn, Dream Works and other notable companies that went public in the last decade.

Read the full article →

Dave Johnson: Is a Flat Tax Fair?

October 24, 2011

Conservatives are always pushing for a “flat tax.” It sounds so simple: One easy rate, so we all pay the same, easy to calculate… Get rid of deductions and lower the tax rates. So simple, but it turns out it is a simple trick, a scam to enrich the 1%, like so much else that conservatives are selling. Don’t fall for it — it means taxes will go up for the 99% of us who aren’t really, really rich. See if you can guess what happens if you are in the top 1%. Or, just scroll down and see the the chart. What We Have Now We have what’s called a “progressive’ tax system. This means as you make more you pay more taxes. The first “bracket” of XX dollars you make is taxed at a low rate. The next XX dollars are taxed at a higher rate, and so on. Many people think if you “go into a higher bracket” you pay more on all the money you make, but that is not how it works. If a bracket starts at $1 million, and you make $1 million plus $1 you only pay the higher rate on the $1 that is in that bracket. Yes, that means that a 5% increase on taxes over $1 million would mean that person pays a nickel. Yes, all that screaming by Republicans is over a nickel. Screaming is what they do best. The reason we have a progressive tax system is because we have a democracy. People who make more do so because of the investment in government that We, the People make. We, the People pool our money collectively and use it to build the infrastructure that lets people make so much money. That’s the roads, schools, police, courts, etc. — the whole system — that provides the foundation for our businesses to go out and compete in the world. And when our businesses do well, we ask them to pay back a dividend to the rest of us for enabling that to happen. No Deductions Conservatives always call for getting rid of deductions, because they are complicated. Get rid of deductions, they say, simplify the system, and you can lower tax rates. Here is the game they are playing. Suppose you have a small business, a grocery store. Suppose you buy $100,000 in inventory and sell it for $130,000. If you get rid of deductions that means the small grocery owner pays taxes on $130,000 because that is the income of the store. If you say the business owner should be allowed to “deduct” the amount paid for inventory, we’re back to deciding which deductions to allow. So we are right back where we started, except now the conservatives have lowered tax rates (at the top) and their big corporate sponsors will be gaming the system to give themselves more and more and more deductions just like they already do. What Happens With A Flat Tax? Conservatives object to the idea of the rich paying back more. They say that taxes are theft — government confiscating money that people have earned, ignoring that our democracy enabled them to earn it in the first place. They call taxation “redistribution” of wealth. Of course, as AlterNet’s Joshua Holland points out, redistribution is the core job of government. He points out that when government collects taxes and builds a sidewalk that everyone can walk on — or homeless people can sleep on — that is redistribution. Courts, schools, police, ports, airports — all of it is redistribution of wealth. So conservatives call for a “flat tax.” Most notably Republican presidential candidates Rick Perry and Herman Cain are calling for various forms of this. This means everyone pays the same tax rate as everyone else, regardless of income. Because this is about scrapping democracy’s progressive tax system, this necessarily means that the rich will pay a lot less. Guess who pays more to make up for that? A good example of this effect is the 9-9-9 tax plan. The 9-9-9 Plan The Tax Policy Center takes a look at Republican candidate Herman Cain’s “9-9-9″ tax plan, in a post titled, Herman Cain’s 9-9-9 Tax Plan Herman Cain’s plan would eliminate the current individual income tax, corporate income tax, payroll tax, and estate and gift tax and substitute three taxes imposed at a 9 percent rate: 1) a 9 percent “national sales tax” 2) a 9 percent “business flat tax”, and 3) a 9 percent “individual flat tax.” They have a table here that shows how people’s taxes would change under the 9-9-9 plan. Jared Bernstein made a chart illustrating these numbers in his post 9-9-9 in One (Really Long) Graph . So here you have it: the change in tax liabilities, compared to current tax policy, under 9-9-9, for different income groups, in one incredibly unsettling graph. In the following chart the blue lines that are above zero illustrate how much more most of us will pay. The red lines below zero show how much less the rich and really rich will pay. The blue lines — representing taxes on most of us — go up. The red lines — representing taxes on the top few — go … well, see for yourself. This post originally appeared at Campaign for America’s Future (CAF) at their Blog for OurFuture . I am a Fellow with CAF. Sign up here for the CAF daily summary .

Read the full article →

Offshore Drilling: House Republicans Offer Old Idea As New Infrastructure Solution

September 28, 2011

WASHINGTON — Responding to President Obama’s call in the American Jobs Act for increased infrastructure spending, House Republicans are offering up a favorite standby: offshore drilling. “There are some initiatives, and you may see one as early as next week,” Rep. Steven LaTourette (R-Ohio) told HuffPost on Monday after a speech at the Association of State Dam Safety Officials, “that talk about using revenues from the offshore leasing program to go into dam safety, road building and water infrastructure.” “You can bond that money and come up with about $50 billion a year, which you would divide between highways and water, and it would beat the pants off what we’re spending today,” LaTourette, who is vice-chair of the House Appropriations Committee transportation panel, continued. A bill sponsored by Rep. Tim Murphy (R-Pa.) would invest proceeds from offshore oil and gas leases in programs to rebuild our shaky roads, bridges, dams and waterways . Another similar bill, sponsored by Rep. Shelly Moore Capito (R-W.Va.), was introduced last week. Either would likely face an uphill battle in the Democratic-controlled U.S. Senate, but they nonetheless provide House Republicans with an opportunity to sketch out their own alternative for infrastructure financing. Their vision includes more gas and more roads — but also, environmentalists argue, more risk of oil spills. Murphy’s Infrastructure Jobs and Energy Independence Act has found several Democratic co-sponsors, including Tim Walz (Minn.) and Jim Costa (Calif.), a member of the Blue Dog Coalition. But its much-needed money for infrastructure, including recharging stations for electric cars, does little to placate environmental activists. “Of course we support good roads,” said Anna Gowan, an ocean advocate at the non-profit group Oceana, “but not if it means sacrificing healthy oceans.” Gowan predicted that the Senate would serve as a “backstop” against the drilling bills. Still, she added, such efforts were “beyond reckless.” She also said that one of the bill’s justifications, quickly creating jobs, is irrelevant given how long it would take to set up new offshore oil rigs. The bill expedites judicial review of court challenges. But the process of selling leases, along with issuing drilling, air and water permits, would all make for slow going. “If I had to guess, it would be at least 5 or 10 years down the road before a drill hit the water,” Gowan said. LaTourette also told HuffPost that to fund improvements on critical structures like dams, the deficit reduction supercommittee would need to “go big” on curbing non-discretionary spending. He also said he was pessimistic on one of the president’s favorite proposals for kickstarting road and bridge spending, a national infrastructure bank to be called the American Infrastructure Financing Authority. LaTourette said an infrastructure bank is a “a non-starter.” Just a few months ago an infrastructure bank was seen by some as a bipartisan proposal . One Senate version found backing from Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-Texas). But now Republicans are wary of the bank. Obama’s newly proposed bank would be overseen by a board of directors made up of seven voting members, no more than four of them from the president’s party. But congressional Republicans say they are suspicious of the potential for partisan misuses of the bank’s money. They also dislike the fact that AIFA’s funds would be dispersed on the basis of merit — which they say will simply mean given to the president’s political allies — and not necessarily doled out to all 50 states.

Read the full article →

Gary Shapiro: We Can Handle the Truth: Our Government Is a Jobs Killer

September 13, 2011

There was a moment in President Obama’s speech to a joint session of Congress Thursday night when Candidate Obama returned to the limelight. Unfortunately, it was short-lived. Behind all the passion and eloquence that Obama was able to muster for one of the biggest speeches of his presidency, there was the same old stuff. And Americans should expect the same old results. While it’s not quite accurate to say that Obama double-downed on the failed economic policies of his administration — his $447 billion jobs proposal is half the 2009 stimulus — there was absolutely nothing to suggest that Obama is prepared to change course. All the lofty rhetoric couldn’t mask the president’s continued commitment to Keynesian economics and willful ignorance of the needs of job creators. The truth requires listening to those who create jobs. I represent more than 2,000 tech companies in my day job, but I also hear from lots of entrepreneurs and other business leaders. Since the early 2011 launch of my book, The Comeback: How Innovation will Restore the American Dream , I have traversed the country speaking to varied groups and after each talk I am surrounded by job creators with similar stories. The furniture maker in upstate New York; the couple with a landscape company, nursery and day care center in Michigan; the Virginia tech start up; the Oregon inventor and the Florida restaurant owner: they all are patriotic Americans who want to grow their businesses and help the economy. But none of them are hiring. Why? For very good reasons, many related to the tough economic environment but many — startlingly 0 — related to policies of our government. I ask why no one, especially those in power, raises these subjects. More often than not, the answer is some version of the famous retort by Col. Nathan Jessep in the movie A Few Good Men : Because Americans “can’t handle the truth.” Well, I think Americans can handle the truth, and I offer these unconventional views in the spirit that a healthy economy and jobs are vital to our future. Our anti-discrimination laws hurt new jobs creation . Our nation has tens of thousands of underemployed lawyers eager to take on the cause of any fired worker. Anti-discrimination lawsuits and EEOC complaints are easy to file, costly and time-consuming to defend. Combine this with our inability to take responsibility for our own failures and we have a litigation cocktail which discourages hiring. Of course discrimination against individuals based on suspect classification is terrible, but the laws aren’t helpful in encouraging new hires. We are not yet Europe, which makes every dismissal costly, but we can take advice from Laurence Parisot, the head of France’s largest employers’ union, Movement of the French Enterprises, who said , “We will hire more people if it’s made easier to fire them.” Two-year unemployment compensation discourages jobs . According to an analysis by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco , the Obama Administration’s extension of unemployment benefits to 99 weeks increased the U.S. jobless rate as much as 0.8 percentage points. Or put another way, serious job seeking occurs when benefits are about to run out. As an employer, I have twice experienced job candidates asking to delay their start date until after unemployment payments end. I am not alone. In a recent article, The Wall Street Journal recently quoted an Alabama farmer looking to hire who was encountering “Americans who showed up to apply for jobs demanded that he pay them off the books so that they can continue to collect unemployment benefits.” As I’ve argued before , one way to end this fraud is to tie long-term unemployment benefits to volunteer work. The 2010 stimulus package did not boost the economy. The $787 billion stimulus package was divided into roughly three parts : a third to the states so they could avoid tough financial choices; a third to taxpayers in the form of barely noticeable reduction in taxes and a third for pork barrel projects, the so-called “shovel ready” boondoggles that replaced real infrastructure investment. What do we have to show for all this? An unemployment rate above 9 percent and anemic 2011 GDP growth . If the money had at least been invested in real capital infrastructure we would be better off. The same is true with the so-called “cash-for-clunkers” program, first-time homebuyers and other feel-good programs. Each one borrowed from our children so we can feel better today. Shameful! Our political leadership’s business antipathy and uncertainty on taxes, health care and spending discourage jobs creation. People running and owning businesses face political uncertainty in so many areas. They have no idea of how much and what type of taxes they will have to pay over the next few years. They face a new, far-reaching health care law that imposes new costs and may or may not be repealed by a new Congress or the Supreme Court. They fear a president who has no business background, few advisers with business experience, and who encourages an anti-business climate, higher taxes on wealth creators and class warfare. And they have the National Labor Relations Board telling companies in which states they can manufacture and seeking to make secret overnight unionization the status quo. High corporate taxes and pro-union protectionism discourages jobs creation. At 35 percent, the U.S. has one of the highest corporate tax rate in the developed world , which forces businesses to invest abroad. The United States also has not passed a free trade agreement in six years. Although the president talks a good game on free trade, he and his Democratic allies keep adding new conditions to the Panama, Colombia and South Korea free trade agreements that have been stalled for years. This means our job-creating exporters pay more than our competitors. Can Americans handle this truth? I think they can, but it will require leadership and responsibility from our elected leaders to do something about it. We need to stop with the little ideas, like lowering the tax withholding and even good ideas like Patent Reform, and go to the real issues — even if they are uncomfortable. Challenge Americans to accept responsibility, sacrifice for their children and contribute to society. The status quo is leading us down the path of decline. Gary Shapiro is president and CEO of the Consumer Electronics Association (CEA), the U.S. trade association representing more than 2,000 consumer electronics companies, and author of the New York Times bestselling book, “The Comeback: How Innovation Will Restore the American Dream.”

Read the full article →

Mike Green: Startup Black America… Where Do We Start?

September 12, 2011

Dear Black America, can we talk? How about in the churches… or the HBCUs… or somewhere within our urban communities? So, here’s what I want to discuss. I propose we invest in creating an entrepreneurial ecosystem with a goal of generating 150,000 jobs in the next 12 months. The latest unemployment figures are no surprise: 16.7 percent. I feel your pain. My phone isn’t ringing either. And before you “go there,” I already know. We have a jobless rate that is two times higher — and a median wealth 20 times less — than White America. Yeah, we’re suffering. But what about our kids? The future doesn’t look too rosy for Black America’s graduating Class of 2015 — the vast majority of whom have a math proficiency of 13 percent and a science literacy rate not worth mentioning. How are they going to be prepared for their own future when most of the economic growth and wealth will be created in the STEM fields (science, technology, engineering and math)? Don’t Blame Obama Let’s agree — it’s bad out there. “Great Depression” bad. Yet, we need to acknowledge aloud something we instinctively know: It’s not President Obama’s fault. It’s not even a little bit Obama’s fault. If we absolutely need a scapegoat for our present-day economic condition (and I’m not suggesting we do, but Obama’s plummeting approval ratings among Blacks hint there’s some disappointment) there’s a whole lot of blame to go around. After all, unemployment in our demographic has remained at, or near double , the overall jobless rate since Obama was in diapers. Nothing he could’ve done would’ve magically mitigated that statistic. We knew America was entering a technological age when President Kennedy suggested we stick a flag on the moon. Back then, we were equally under-represented in math and science fields as we were on the football fields. Today, we remain significantly behind across all STEM fields… in the 21st century Age of Technology and Innovation. I’m not sure how President Obama is to blame. We have not been at the controls of America’s institutions, laws, financial sectors, national media and private sector processes that produced jobs and wealth before, during and even after the Civil Rights Movement. So, what has been happening over the past five decades? American Progress? America’s growing “private sector” has failed to recognize the need for risk capital investments in minority entrepreneurs that would benefit and uplift non-majority communities. America has failed to fix the public schools — particularly in urban areas — despite the announcement that ” Our Nation Was At Risk ” back in the 80s. Job creation and economic growth in Black America remains as it was… abysmal. So, how has wealth in America been created over the past several decades? Look around. Job growth is in the hands of the ” private sector ,” which has generated all new net job growth in America since 1980. That job growth didn’t translate into more jobs for Black Americans. So, what’s the solution to job growth and economic progress for Black Americans? Our Responsibility — Our Opportunity In Black America, the “private sector” is you and me. Our 1.9 million business owners consist of 1.8 million sole proprietors who can’t grow their businesses and create jobs because we aren’t investing in them. Our new high-tech, high-growth entrepreneurs can’t find investments to build million-dollar and billion-dollar companies because we don’t have a private risk capital infrastructure. We don’t even talk about producing an infrastructure that could connect to the existing risk capital foundation built in White America over the past several decades. Here’s an idea: Let’s produce job growth in Black America now. I propose we invest in creating an entrepreneurial ecosystem with a goal of generating 150,000 jobs in the next 12 months. Let’s learn from the existing entrepreneurial and risk capital ecosystem and develop our own. Let’s develop centers of innovation across the nation and construct bridges to the 21st century economy where a new ecosystem can thrive. That would benefit America as a whole. Black America… Can We Talk? Perhaps we can start our discussions within a framework in which questions are addressed with solution-oriented ideas. I propose we use our HBCUs, urban communities and our churches as “meetup” locations to engage in community-level “Startup Black America” partnerships. Black America has high net worth individuals, middle-class and even lower socio-economic classes of folk with investment capital. We also have talented entrepreneurs, both slow growth “lifestyle” entrepreneurs and high-growth entrepreneurs within our midst. Identifying our innovators and providing education, training and resources are things we can do. Innovative Infrastructure Connecting entrepreneurs to pools of investment capital within our own communities is something we can do. The business model for job growth and wealth generation exists in plain sight, yet we have not recognized it. The activity that exists in Silicon Valley and other geographic hotbeds in the entrepreneurial ecosystem is activity we can discuss developing and innovating in Black America using existing education and community networks. Imagine 5,000 communities investing in just 10 lifestyle entrepreneurs who each hired just one person. That’s 50,000 new jobs created by our “private sector.” And if each of those communities also invested in a couple of high-growth entrepreneurs whose enterprises ballooned to hire 10 workers each, that’s 100,000 new jobs. Imagine 150,000 new jobs in Black America over the next 12 months. Let’s get together and talk about this… let’s get started.

Read the full article →

Tom Silva: Made in America?

September 9, 2011

I’ve been hearing the phrase “Made in America” quite a bit recently, welcoming the repatriation of jobs back to the US from China, India and the rest of the off-shore parabola. Most reports have focused on the price of oil being the primary driver, but the return of outsourced jobs is far more sweeping in its implications. Make no mistake, outsourcing will continue: One report estimates that the global outsourcing industry will rise to just under $500 billion by 2016. However, it seems clear that three decades after offshoring emerged as the best way for Corporate America to lower its breakeven cost of doing business, we are now seeing a reverse migration, primarily because the fallacies of low-cost labor markets have been exposed. It’s a function not only of rising production costs, but a flight from unregulated overseas markets where companies have found that they cannot assert their rights to quality control and intellectual property. (Let’s consider this the next time we hear the canard that “All regulation is bad because it puts business in a stranglehold.” Ironically, regulation can be a magnet for business). To deal briefly with cost, it is irrefutable that companies have circumnavigated their operations back to the US because overseas workers are becoming more expensive : According to a recent report by Boston Consulting Group , in 2000, hourly Chinese manufacturing wages were just 52 cents compared to $16.61 in the U.S. By 2015, the wage difference should be $4.41 vs. $26.06 — hardly parity, but no longer a slam-dunk case when you consider that US workers are three times more productive. The income growth rate is expected to continue to build in China while BCG predicts the US will grow at a much slower pace. Oil prices compounded this spike in the cost of outsourcing: During the last run up in oil prices prior to the financial crisis in 2008, investment bank CIBC calculated that a $1 rise in world oil prices translated to a 1% rise in transport costs. With oil around $120 a barrel, the cost of shipping a 40-foot container from Shanghai to the U.S. Eastern seaboard jumped to $8,000 from $3,000 in 2000. “At $20 a barrel for oil, transport costs were equivalent to U.S. tariffs of just 3%,” CIBC wrote. But today’s $150 barrel oil realities imply tariffs of 11%, harkening back to the average tariffs of the 1970s. In the last four years, shipping costs have risen 71% because of higher oil prices, as well as cutbacks in ships and containers, according to IHS Global Insight. While the discussion of energy costs has focused on the economics of transportation, more interesting are the infrastructure weaknesses that the staggering growth rates in countries like China have exposed. According to Trevor Houser from economic research firm, The Rhodium Group, electricity costs have skyrocketed: 6.1 cents per kilowatt hour in 2001 (when they first joined the World Trade Organization) to 11.6 cents per kWh and climbing. In contrast, the U.S. has only risen from 4.73 to 6.7 in that same time period.Rolling blackouts (a news-worthy rarity in America) are common overseas. You simply can’t maintain full speed when you’re operating with an antiquated engine. Then there’s that large unwieldy relay, the Global Supply Chain, shuttling the latest cool product from factory to fan base. Accenture recently found in their study of 287 businesses that “Companies are beginning to realize that having offshored much of their manufacturing and supply operations away from their demand locations [has] hurt their ability to meet their customers’ expectations across a wide spectrum of areas, such as being able to rapidly meet increasing customer desires for unique products, continuing to maintain rapid delivery/response times, as well as maintaining low inventories and competitive total costs.” Simply put, if you’re a TV manufacturer and Best Buy calls to request more beveled-edge titanium flat screens for next month, you can’t fill the order because the factory in Shenzhen wouldn’t be able to build and ship them fast enough to beat your locally-based competitor. Practically half the participants in the same survey reported crippling issues with production cycle delays, while 46 percent face quality control fallout from overseas manufacturing and supply. Additionally, global supply chains have been bedeviled by the shift in weather patterns and the spate of natural disasters. The March earthquake and tsunami in Japan, aside from the human tragedy, disrupted global supply chains, leaving many companies stranded without critical components, including Boeing, Caterpillar, and General Motors. Quality also presents a significant issue, more difficult to address when your delivery chain resembles the hub and spokes of a bicycle: If a problem is discovered in parts reaching customers in the United States, the fault could occur anywhere on the supply chain stretching all the way across continents. That makes the true cost of manufacturing offshore in places such as China much more than the quoted price of the parts on the RFQ. One of the rudest awakenings for American companies about the realities of outsourcing has been around the issue of intellectual property and piracy. Having grown up in a part of the world where every video was a third-generation knock-off encased in a photocopied sleeve, I’ve always been stunned at the ingenuity, rapacity and speed of the black market. It’s difficult, if not impossible, to enforce patents, copyrights, and other laws in many parts of the world. Take Farouk Systems Inc of Houston, Texas. A manufacturer of high-demand luxury hair care implements, company founder Farouk Shami contracted with a Chinese molding company, only to find that his designs were being pilfere d and his CHI products counterfeited. Shami fought for several years to no avail. His struggle with the Asian Black Market reads like Hercules battling a modern-day Hydra. As soon as one was shuttered, another operation would spring forth, ” sometimes right next door to the first one”. This painful lesson in international production cost him half a million dollars per month in customer service, replacing badly made irons and dryers bearing his brand name. Eyes opened, he has returned his production stateside, employing custom injection molders in his home state, leveraging high-volume, long-term contracts to receive impeccable U.S. quality, for about the same pricing that initially lured him to China. “You don’t have laws in China that will protect you against IP theft,” adds Rick Admani Abulhaj, COO of Diagnostic Devices Inc. of Charlotte, North Carolina. “We have a lot of investment in our IP, and we have more control over it in the U.S.” As a producer of blood -glucose machines, on which thousands of lives depend, he also believes strongly in the quality control advantage of U.S. production. “We have to adhere to FDA regulations,” he says. “When you make products in the U.S., you make them to a higher standard; particularly in healthcare, the FDA is the law. If you don’t comply, you get your products recalled. In China there are no ramifications.” So, the mishegoss that is the overseas market means that all those sorely needed production jobs are coming back home for Christmas, right? Not entirely. Consider how all this started in the first place: The landscape of the American economy was forever altered in 1948 under the aegis of the Marshall Plan. Prior to that, America was a self-supporting system: We made what we used. But in order to help restore war-ravaged Europe and Asia, manufacturing was shifted abroad. By the Reagan era, manufacturing employed only 25 percent of U.S. labor force. We have since fallen to a mere 12 percent. Something has definitely changed in the paradigm since the 1940′s, namely this: the key to domestic manufacturing isn’t so much labor as automation . The numbers tell the story emphatically: While manufacturing as a percentage of the labor force has nearly halved since 1980, the value of goods and services produced has remained static. Here’ the kicker: Based on first-quarter GDP, we produced slightly more goods and services locally than before the recession — but utilizing 7.3 million fewer workers. Factory output is 55 percent higher than a decade ago, while factory employment is 32 percent lower. The jobs that remain typically require sophisticated skills and higher education than the average laborer of the past. (Translation: Companies can produce more with fewer workers using new machinery operated by college-accredited workers.) American factories have recouped nearly all of their losses since the crisis, and are now back at nearly full productivity — employing a skeleton crew. Corporations are sitting on about $1.8 trillion in cash, buoyed by record profits and stock prices which have doubled from their recession lows. It is evident that there is no longer a strict correlation between hiring and corporate revenues. The future is shaping up to look like this: labor-intensive low-cost things will continue to be made overseas. America, on the other hand, will continue to excel at making big, complex, expensive items. In the late 1990s, America’s manufacturing stagnated at the $4 trillion mark. But then we found our niche — in tractors, steel, plastics, knives and medicines. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, manufacturing hit a record $5 trillion in 2006 — and heavy machinery was where it was at. Today, mining, farm and construction equipment are up 20 percent since 2002. Revenue from coal products and refinery activity nearly doubled during that self-same period. The business of refining and processing raw materials (iron, steel, aluminum and copper) has increased 40 percent. Chemical manufacturing, notably pharmaceuticals, grew 22 percent. We also do well in plastics, software and telecommunications. The Specialty Blades factory in Staunton, VA makes blades that impact all aspects of our lives, from scalpels in the emergency room to the little gadgets that tear off our grocery receipts. The company’s rank and file aren’t unskilled factory workers but engineers, working with surgeons to create a plethora of sophisticated tools, including a circular cutting and stapling device which reduces the invasiveness of digestive-tract surgery. “U.S. engineering is flat-out way more developed than in China for this function,” says the company’s CEO, Peter Harris. In July 2008, Deloitte published Made in North America , taking a C-level look at U.S. production. When the 321 executive participants were asked where they intended to expand production, 37 percent said Mexico, while another 37 percent indicated China would grow as their hub of operations. Similarly, India and Canada drew equal favor with 24 percent apiece. How did the United States fare? 44 percent. While that’s great news for production, it’s not nearly as auspicious for employment, as these factories may be staffed by robotics rather than real people. Some have cited the need for the innovation economy to fill the void left by traditional manufacturing, particularly in the science, technology, engineering and math fields (STEM). However, when the Bureau of Labor Statistics qualified the 97 categories of STEM, it reflected only 6% of the ready US workforce. In the end, what we need is a game-changer — disruptive technology like the internet — to drive the employment sector. We all know that Made in America is still a good thing. A great thing. It just doesn’t mean what it used to. **************************************************************************************************************** Special thanks to contributions from co-author, Heather M. Carper . Heather is a Chicago-based Writer, Researcher, and Social Media strategist, who is currently outsourcing some of her finely honed American-made skillset to meet the needs of the primarily South Asian clients of the Indo-American Center .

Read the full article →

Fed asks BofA to list contingency plan: report

September 2, 2011

(Reuters) – The Federal Reserve has asked Bank of America Corp to show what measures it could take if business conditions worsen, the Wall Street Journal said, citing people familiar with the situation. BofA executives recently responded to the unusual request from the Federal Reserve with a list of options that includes the issuance of a separate class of shares tied to the performance of its Merrill Lynch securities unit, the people told the paper. Bank of America and the Fed declined to comment to the Journal. Both could not immediately be reached for comment by Reuters outside regular U.S. business hours. (Reporting by Sakthi Prasad in Bangalore; Editing by Muralikumar Anantharaman)

Read the full article →

Naveen Jain: Tips for Entrepreneurial Philanthropy

August 24, 2011

Helping people get what they need most in life is at the heart of successful philanthropy. It is no coincidence that fulfilling peoples’ needs is also the foundation of a successful business. I see no contradiction between them. Any venture, whether it is commercial or philanthropic, should aim at improving the lives of as many people as possible. Both should use technological tools to overcome infrastructure barriers and build scale. And both must be self-sustaining to be considered truly successful. I want to share with you what I have learned about philanthropy as person who was born in modest circumstances, as a boy who learned to take advantage of opportunities, as a businessman seeking new ways to create something of value for others, as a philanthropist trying to overcome global challenges, and as a father who wants the best for his children. At each stage of my life I have found that the values that matter most are those of an entrepreneur . . . someone who takes a risk and makes things happen; someone who is not afraid to fail because there are lessons to be learned from failure; someone who is focused on a mission rather than a static. I am convinced that only by applying the values of an entrepreneur to philanthropy will you ever be able to meet the needs of the greatest number of people. I understand human needs. I grew up where far too many people lived day to day without elemental needs like food and shelter. Compared to them I was fortunate. My father was a civil servant in the northern Indian where I was born. As a boy I saw the dire effects of poverty and illiteracy, especially on women and children. It often seemed that the only thing separating me from them was luck. But my parents didn’t believe in luck. They believed in hard work and in preparing me to take advantage of opportunity. Like many parents, they taught me to be generous but never to depend on the generosity of others. Because I was poor I had one special advantage. When you are poor, and basic survival is your concern, you have no alternative but to be an entrepreneur. You must take action to survive just as you must take action to seize an opportunity. That’s not to say no one helped me. Many generous people helped me and my family when we needed them. And that motivated me too. I promised myself to work hard so I would never be hungry and work harder still so that I could replay my neighbors’ generosity many times over – not just with money but with a clear path out of poverty. In some places the path out of poverty is through sports or other fields of excellence. In India, the path is through education. My parents drilled into me the importance of an education. It was a gift they themselves never had. I remember how my mother quizzed me in mathematics first thing in the morning and would often demand, “Don’t make me solve it for you.” Little did I know that she couldn’t solve it because she had never been taught math in school. They made sure I had the advantages they never had. I studied hard and earned an engineering degree and then an MBA. Because of my education I was ready when business opportunities began to open for Indian engineers. I seized one and used that opportunity to create many more as the founder of Moon Express, Intelius and InfoSpace. Along the way I never forgot who helped me and what I owed to them and others like me. I promised myself that one day I would be in a position to help my fellow countrymen and women, as well as anyone who is held back by lack of education, or by sexism, and grinding poverty. Today, I am privileged to be able to do that but not simply by giving money away. That is a temporary fix. Rather, I am approaching philanthropy in a strategic and systematic way just as an entrepreneur approaches a new venture. That’s the only way to make a self-sustaining difference in the world. My experiences as a child in poverty, as a business creator, and as philanthropist have taught me that there are at least four key elements for philanthropic success Overcome the Infrastructure . Many of the problems of poverty and need are really problems of physical infrastructure — not enough hospitals, too few schools, insufficient roads, bridges, and a lack of tools. This is what makes traditional philanthropy so daunting. You could build a thousand new hospitals in some parts of the world and barely make a difference. But what if you could capture the expertise of the world’s best physicians and create software that can diagnose patients remotely? Then infrastructure no longer matters. By turning an infrastructure problem into a technology challenge, you can eliminate the physical constraints of time and space. Build Scale . Technology allows you to replicate knowledge cheaply and reach many more people with it than you could in the physical world. To continue the example above, with diagnostic software you can now diagnose patients in every town, village, or farm in India. And you can do so objectively without the biases that even the best human physicians harbor. Make it Self-Sustaining . The problem now becomes, how do get this valuable diagnostic software and the device it runs on into the towns, villages, and farms where it can do the most good? You could enlist a wealthy donor to buy the devices and distribute them widely. But then you are beholden to physical constraints again — and even worse, you are dependent on a lifeline of someone else’s money. Instead of giving away $200 devices, why not allow people in the villages to rent them for $20 per month so they can go door to door making diagnoses for $5 each? That way everyone has an incentive to achieve the mission of getting the proper diagnoses to the greatest number of people. Instead of managing the whole program on your own, the program takes on a life of its own. Live an Entrepreneurial Life . By understanding and harnessing the forces that drive human behavior, you can create a self-sustaining philanthropic effort that reaches millions of people. It begins with an entrepreneurial attitude: take an idea and execute on that idea. If it doesn’t work, learn why and build on what you’ve learned. And be mission-oriented rather than goal-oriented. That way, if you do the best you can, you will always succeed. This is not simply an approach to philanthropy; it is an approach to life. Philanthropists can learn important lessons from business entrepreneurs. They both spend their time solving problems. And to be successful they both must overcome physical challenges and create self-sustaining operations. And ultimately, they must allow people to take action for their own benefit. Growing up in India I knew all I needed to change the world was one good opportunity and I prepared myself for it. When that opportunity came I was ready. I couldn’t count on luck so I created my own. Today, I’m sharing my passion for giving back with my children. I know they’ll approach the problems they want to solve in ways I never imagined and over time, research shows, if they are committed to philanthropy when they are young, they will make philanthropy a central part of their lives for years to come. That’s sustainable philanthropy. And we’re not alone. Because of the work of entrepreneurial philanthropists there are more new opportunities than ever opening up all over the world for the people who are prepared to grab them. Together, we are creating our own luck on a global scale. Find Naveen Jain on LinkedIn Twitter Google Plus Huffington Post Forbes Blogs

Read the full article →

Christopher Mitchell: Community Broadband Beats Cable, DSL Companies in Speed, Price

July 6, 2011

With the vast majority of Americans greatly overpaying for slow and unreliable broadband compared to connections in Europe and Asia, hundreds of communities have started building their own networks . Notable success stories (and the best places to get broadband in the US) are Chattanooga, Tennessee ; Lafayette, Louisiana ; and Monticello, Minnesota . AT&T, Time Warner Cable, Comcast, CenturyLink, and others quickly responded – by trying to ban community networks in state legislatures . In May, Time Warner Cable finally bought legislation in North Carolina to effectively ban new community networks in North Carolina after more than four years of trying. It quickly became clear that powerful incumbents like Time Warner Cable had convinced (with copious sums of campaign cash, no doubt) elected officials that community networks were all failures and, in any event, unnecessary because the big cable and phone companies were doing a great job providing services. Over at Community Broadband Networks , we put together a video to compare community fiber networks to the big incumbent phone and cable companies. Because North Carolina had the biggest fight over this issue most recently, we used data from North Carolina: We certainly understand why massive companies like AT&T and Time Warner Cable spend tens of millions to influence legislation in their favor. What baffles us is why Americans put up with state (and national) legislatures that transparently bend to the will of those companies rather than ensuring we all have the infrastructure necessary to thrive today.

Read the full article →

Pablo Eisenberg: State of the Nonprofit Sector

June 16, 2011

Mohandas Gandhi, the great leader most responsible for ending British colonialism in India, visited London shortly after Indian independence. On his arrival he was asked by a journalist how he liked western civilization and democracy. He replied,” It could be a good idea”. Were Gandhi resurrected to visit the U.S. today, and asked whether he liked American democracy, would he once again say, “it could be a good idea”? I cite this because these are trying times for both American democracy and the nonprofit sector, times that are testing our traditional democratic values, our sense of tolerance, decency and civility, our commitment to social and economic justice, our yearning for a political system based on fairness and integrity and our desire for public and nonprofit institutions that are transparent and accountable. Our faith in government at all levels is perhaps at an all-time low, driven by anti-government ideologues, opportunistic politicians and, not infrequently, poor performance. We have absolutely the best Congress that money can buy — and at bargain rates — one that has flaunted standards of ethics, honesty and public service. We have raised gerrymandering to a high art form, entrenching incumbent elected officials, depriving many constituencies of political influence. And as a country, we refuse to provide our federal, state and local governments with the revenue needed to strengthen our infrastructure, improve our educational and health systems and successfully tackle our extensive poverty and rural problems. We prefer, instead, to undermine our economy by lowering taxes on the very wealthy and upper middle class taxpayers and maintaining gaping tax loopholes on special interests, costing us hundreds of billions of dollars a year. We, moreover, may well be on the way to becoming a rigid class society. Our nonprofit community faces no less a crisis. The sector is in flux, besieged by increasing responsibilities, limited resources and higher public expectations. The recent reductions in public funds have left us desperately seeking private money to fill this huge gap and trying to do more with less… an impossible task. While the sector has grown exponentially over the past 25 years, it may have become weaker, not stronger, less influential in shaping the direction, priorities and policies of the country. Why should this be? Because nonprofits are more fragmented than ever before, increasingly composed of one-issue groups, finding it difficult to collaborate with one another to address the fundamental issues that challenge our society. Recent nonprofit history is the story of policy battlefields littered with the dead bodies of nonprofit lone wolves. If there is one lesson the sector needs to learn, it is that major policy victories can only be won by coalition efforts. Desperately in need of leadership, our nonprofit world requires a huge dollop of vision and courage. Its philanthropic institutions have not sufficiently changed to meet the times and needs of their grantees. And nonprofits that, historically, have served as a check on and balance between government, corporate influence and civil society, have not done an adequate job in fulfilling this critical mission. In many cases, our watchdogs have turned into timid lapdogs. Trying as these times may be, there is some cause for optimism. The floodwaters of political extremism may be cresting. Our younger generations are proving more tolerant than their parents, anchored by a healthy balance between idealism and pragmatism. Our citizenry is slowly facing up to the critical challenge of ensuring a more effective and inclusive national health system and providing quality education that is more accessible and affordable. Yet the sector still must overcome strong obstacles to progress: corporatization with its twilight zone of ethics; extensive incidents of malfeasance, self-dealing and inappropriate expenditures; spiraling, inflationary increases in compensation to top executives; poor management practices and dysfunctional boards of directors; philanthropic institutions that refuse to provide adequate resources; and an ineffectual oversight, regulatory and enforcement system. And, yes, there is another…the absence of a sense of humor. Like many of you, I have attended many conferences and meetings of nonprofits in recent years. Have we heard any jokes or come across a sense of humor at these sessions? Glum, serious faces seem to pervade their proceedings. As a sector, we have become too self righteous and serious about our work. We should derive joy from our what we do. In short, we need to lighten up. However, it is not my intention to portray a doomsday picture of our nonprofit world. There are an enormous number of success stories that we all take for granted: the many thousands of local, grassroots agencies providing outstanding social, mental health, housing, employment and other services; many of the finest institutions of higher education in the world; cutting edge hospitals and community health centers; cultural and arts organizations that are outstanding; and advocacy groups that are trying to ensure the integrity and honesty of our government and private sector institutions. All these excellent groups are responsible for our dynamic democracy, for what is the strongest nonprofit sector in the world. But, as the pressures of modern times demand more self-awareness and greater performance, our potential for meeting these needs is being put to the test. We have the capacity, but do we have the will to change? It’s too late to fall back on outmoded notions of American exceptionalism. We have to work hard every day to prove that our institutions can perform at a high, even higher level. Past performance is no longer an adequate measure for our future efforts. As you know, there is a close connection between democracy, government and civil society. The vibrancy of both our democracy and government will depend on the future strength of our nonprofits. Much of what has recently been negative about our governments and politicians has been a reflection of the failure of nonprofits and we as citizens to hold them accountable. To a large extent, we have received what we deserve: lackluster, narrow-gauged politicians; an unfair tax system; a crumbling infrastructure, and disinvestment in education… all leading us to possible third world status. If our nonprofits don’t measure up — and we as citizens don’t — we will be in danger of losing a great deal of what we cherish about this country… its values, its sense of community, its optimism and its democratic institutions. So what are the challenges facing the nonprofit sector today? Let me briefly discuss a few that I believe are among the most critical. 1) Ensuring Public Accountability No problem is more important to the nonprofit world than to assure the public that it is transparent and publicly accountable. Events of the past decade have shaken public confidence in the work of many nonprofits. It has been the subject of Senate Finance Committee hearings, the focus of continual media investigations, a succession of financial and management scandals among both foundations and nonprofits, and a growing debate about the role of federal and state regulations and enforcement. Contrary to popular belief, it is not a new issue. It was part of the nonprofit world that was hidden from public view until the media began its exposes some nine years ago. Nor is it a question of just a “few bad apples in the barrel”. There have been and still are many bad apples. Reporters all over the country are uncovering new abuses every day. The problems are widespread. The stakes are much too high for all of us to sit on the sidelines, ignore the problem and wish it would go away. The scandals — inappropriate expenditures, self-dealing, malfeasance, conflicts of interest and excessive compensation — have hurt the reputation of nonprofits and continue to do so. With persistent, on-going media coverage, nonprofits can’t afford not to be transparent and clean. As you well know, integrity and public confidence are the keys to nonprofit fundraising. Without them, nonprofits will face additional, severe financial troubles. Until the Senate investigations, nonprofits as a whole didn’t seem to worry much about cleaning its dirty laundry. Now the sector is very worried, but it seems more disturbed about the possibility of additional government regulations and enforcement than about eliminating the problems. Many charities, influenced by trade associations like Independent Sector and the Council on Foundations, urge greater self-reform rather than effective measures to prevent future abuses. I have been observing the nonprofit sector for over forty years and have rarely seen any effective self-reform efforts. They just don’t work. Nothing less than stronger regulations, increased monitoring and tougher enforcement will work. Nonprofits should embrace the latter, as well as self-reform, if they really want to clean up the sector. 2) Strengthening Oversight and Enforcement Until federal and state regulators take a tougher stand on accountability, the abuses and excesses of nonprofits will not be eliminated. Yet the regulators seem either unwilling or unable to strengthen their efforts to police the charity world. Both federal and state agencies that oversee nonprofits have too few staff members and too little money to do their job effectively. The Internal Revenue Services’ tax-exempt division has some 850 employees, fewer than half of whom are charged with overseeing the operations of more than 1.2 million charities…that’s right, 1.2 million charities. State charity regulators are even more short-handed. Probably no more than eight attorney generals’ offices have more than a handful of staff supervising nonprofits in their states. But money and staff are not all that is needed. What charity regulators lack most are the political will and courage to police nonprofits effectively. The Senate Finance Committee and state legislatures have failed to demand and authorize strong action and enforcement from their federal and state regulators. The latter, quite simply, are too often afraid to tackle large and wealthy organizations and rich individuals who are politically influential and powerful. Nowhere is this more evident than the special treatment of the Hershey School, here in Pennsylvania,whose board of directors for years has been permitted to indulge in questionable management practices, self-dealing, unsavory real estate deals and excessive compensation practices. The regulators’ lack of political will and courage is often compounded by their misunderstanding of nonprofit values and the way nonprofits operate. Few have actually run nonprofits or struggled with compensation or conflict of interest problems. They have been reluctant to move against egregiously excessive compensation abuses, tending to think that large charities are not that much different from for-profit corporations. Because the IRS definition of excessive compensation is unclear — actually mushy — the regulators prefer to adopt a permissive, “anything goes” policy. Many also overlook the nonprofit tradition that nonprofit board members should not be compensated for board service and that self-dealing among board members is not to be tolerated. And in only a very few cases have regulators pressured irresponsible board members to resign their positions. Clearly, the IRS and state regulatory agencies need more money to do their job. Nonprofits should lobby both Congress and state legislatures to give them more resources to oversee the sector. I would also argue that state legislatures need either to make their charity regulators independent of state attorneys general offices or insulate them from political pressures if they remain under the supervision and control of their Attorney Generals. 3) Foundation Reform If the nonprofit sector is to become stronger and more effective, many, if not most, foundations will have to change the way they do business. While foundation assets have grown enormously in recent years — amounting to well over $600 billion today — foundation performance in general remains pedestrian, lackluster, safe and restrictive. Foundation priorities, governance and procedures often seem to be geared more to their own perceived needs than to the interests and needs of their grantees and the sector in general. In some cases, one is moved to recall Mrs. Cheverly’s words about philanthropy in Oscar Wilde’s play the Ideal Husband: “Philanthropy seems simply to have become the refuge of people who want to annoy their fellow citizens”. During the recent recession foundations, as well as wealthy individual donors, reduced their giving — in some cases severely — thereby hurting the grantees and nonprofits they are supposed to serve. Had they been willing to prime the economic pump, many good organizations and programs might have escaped serious injury. Not exactly a moment of honor in foundation history! Despite their recent massive growth, foundations are still required to pay-out only 5% of their assets annually, a figure that can and usually does include all their administrative costs. Many foundations, especially the large ones, treat this minimal requirement as a ceiling, not a floor. As a result most of the large foundations are giving out only 4 to 4.5 of their assets in grants. The taxpayers are simply not getting their money’s worth. At a time when public funds have been greatly reduced and nonprofits are struggling to make their budgets, foundations should be paying out at least 6%, if not more, of their assets in grants. Foundations that are paying out only the minimal amount should rethink their policies in the light of critical nonprofit needs. After all, they are grantmakers, not bankers. If the Obama administration were really interested in helping nonprofits, it would be pushing the Congress to increase the payout to at least 6% in grants, a measure that would add more than $10 billion to the coffers of nonprofit organizations. Instead, it has launched a pitifully funded and ineffectual Social Innovation Fund that will have no impact on the nonprofit sector or the growth of its resources. Other foundation practices need to change as well. The life blood of nonprofit organizations is general operating support, that flexible money that allows them to build strong organizations and leadership. Yet not more than 20% of all the money distributed by foundations annually goes for this purpose. Aren’t foundations listening to their grantees, or do they refuse to hear what their grantees are saying? Shamefully, foundations are still reluctant to fund public policy, advocacy and organizing efforts that are so crucial to social and institutional changes. Status quo boards, avoidance of risk-taking, unenlightened staff and fear of government intervention are the reasons cited for this practice. The latter — government intervention — is a sham argument, since conservative foundations have been funding activist activities for over 30 years with impunity. We grantees and nonprofits are partly responsible for the behavior of foundations. We have acted as beggars on our knees, not equal partners in the philanthropic process. We have allowed foundations to run roughshod over us, succumbing to what might be called the “mystique of philanthropy”. We have sought to be loved instead of respected. This approach, I submit, has to stop. Nonprofits collectively have to pres shard for changes that can bring greater rationality and reasonableness to grantmaking and, at the same time, improve foundation performance. There won’t be much philanthropic reform unless there is growing pressure for change from nonprofits… from the public… from all of us. 4) Democratizing Nonprofits Class is rapidly becoming the great divider in our society, threatening the very foundations of our democracy. We see it in the growing inequality of income and wealth; experience it in our colleges and universities and the abject way adjunct faculty are treated; witness it in the expansion of corporate power and influence; observe it in the decline in status of blue collar workers; and view it in the daily depiction of our lives on our television screens. Nowhere are class divisions more visible than in the most elite of American institutions…our foundations. Their boards are composed almost entirely of wealthy and highly paid professionals. With very few exceptions, they exclude the diverse faces that are representative of our vast nation. Teachers, ministers, community based leaders, social workers, small business owners, blue collar workers, union officials, youth service employees and disabled are rarely found among our foundations, large and small, private and public. While the number of women and people of color on foundation boards has substantially increased over the past 25 years(although not adequately), they resemble their white, male, rich and corporate counterparts. The diversity issue, then, has become largely a matter of class. It reflects the absence of a broad range of perspectives in priority-setting and decision-making, the capacity of institutions to feel the real pulse of localities and regions, and the ability to assess the urgent needs of a variety of constituencies and institutions. Non upper class members are a rarity on private foundation boards. What is startling, however, is that board membership among community foundations, chartered as public charities to care for local communities, reveals the same pattern of board membership that we see among private foundations. To be fair, one should point out that class diversity is also a serious problem and challenge for many nonprofit organizations, especially large and well-financed institutions like hospitals, universities, large social agencies and many other civic groups. Their boards closely resemble those in the foundation world. Class divisions have increasingly permeated the nonprofit sector in recent years, a development incisively described by Harvard professor Theda Skocpol in her book, Diminished Democracy. Unlike past times, few nonprofits today, according to Skocpol, are places where rich and poor, blue collar and professional, highly educated and high school graduates and dropouts come together for discourse and mutual benefit. Many nonprofits have lost touch or are losing touch with their base. They have increasingly been transformed from grassroots membership-led organizations into professionally run groups, the participation of whose members is often limited to paying dues. A large part of our citizenry is being left out of our civic engagement efforts. That is not good enough for a vibrant democracy. If American juries, with power over the life and death of people accused of crimes, are composed of diverse groups of Americans from all classes, why is it that electricians, teachers or grassroots leaders aren’t qualified to be board members of foundations and nonprofits with far less responsibility? It just doesn’t make sense. Democratizing our nonprofit sector is a challenge that all of us need to take seriously, unless we are willing to slide even farther into a society dominated by fewer and fewer people. 5) Reenergizing the Role of Nonprofit Advocacy Nonprofit advocacy is the hallmark of both American history and nonprofit history. It is that dimension of our civil society that distinguishes us from all other civil societies and is most admired overseas. This activism has been responsible for almost all of the social and institutional changes in the past 125 years, ranging from the rural reforms of the late 19th century, to the settlement houses in the early 20th century, to the unemployment associations in the 1930′s and the civil rights and other social movements of the last 60 years. Yet, over the past three decades nonprofit activism has been on the decline, undermined by the increased conservatism of the country, the reduction in union influence, the influence of big money on politics, the loss of social movements and poor leadership. The issue of poverty, the Achilles’ heel of our democracy, has fallen off our political radar screen. It no longer seems to be viewed as an issue of importance by the mainstream of both parties, despite the impact of the recession on our poor and working poor populations. Poverty remains a national disgrace for a country claiming leadership in an increasingly global world. Not only have our poverty and unemployment rates sharply increased, but our social safety net programs are being shred on the altar of fiscal irresponsibility and ideological rants against government programs. Where have our nonprofit defenders of social and economic justice been? They apparently have been muted by an Administration they consider friendly, by uncertainties and paralysis and, simply, by a lack of courage to speak out boldly and act accordingly. Their potential for legal lobbying has not been tapped; only about 1% of nonprofits have been engaged in legislative activity. They have been, in a real sense, the silence of the lambs. This needs to change if the hungry, homeless, poor and powerless among us are to take their place as first class citizens in our society. The Task Ahead The challenges I have outlined are daunting and demanding. They will require an extraordinary effort by you, by all of us. It all boils down to the question of leadership. Unfortunately, if any quality defines our current nonprofit leadership, it is its lack of courage. The heads of many, if not, most of our nonprofit organizations, large or small, traditional or non-traditional, seem afraid to speak out publicly on important public issues, go on the record with their positions, confront controversial problems or critique their weak or unethical colleagues and failing organizations. Their timidity would be laughable were it not so damaging to a sector that begs for vision, introspection, intellectual rigor and integrity. We appear to have socialized a large group of nonprofit executives more interested in promoting their own careers and turf, in being collegial to a fault and in avoiding all risks than in pursuing what is best for the field and the public. Because of their conspiracy of silence on key matters of ethics, accountability and performance, they are abdicating their responsibility to taxpayers and the public interest. We must demand more of our institutional leaders than we have in the past, and we must hold them accountable for their actions. It is time for all of us to join in a common effort to improve and strengthen our nonprofit organizations and sector, develop courageous and visionary leaders, maintain and ethical foundation for our work and fight for a nonprofit community that is publicly accountable. After all, when Gandhi’s ghost returns to this country to ask us what we think of American democracy and its civil society, we will want to say with conviction, not that it could be a good idea, but that it is a great idea that actually works.

Read the full article →

Eben Esterhuizen: Please, Stop Stimulating the Stock Market and Start Stimulating the Economy

June 15, 2011

I’m just going to get to the point right away. “Helicopter Ben” Bernanke’s quantitative easing campaign has been a massive failure. On the surface, it sounds like a great idea. Crank up the printing presses, and flood the financial system with cheap money. Fund managers realize that it’s unwise to fight the Fed’s bubble machine, and everyone rushes to buy stocks. Rising stock prices boost consumer sentiment, and the euphoria on Wall Street inspires Main Street to keep spending money we don’t have. Sadly, this is a flawed policy based on the misguided belief that a rising stock market will boost economic activity… Consider this: The S&P 500 index has rallied more than 90% from its March 2009 lows, one of the biggest rallies in stock market history. Now, if the stock market did in fact drive economic activity, you’d expect a picture of rainbows and unicorns. Instead, we’re faced with a situation where food stamp usage is up 57% since 2007, with 15 million jobs lost over the same period. It should come as no surprise that there’s very little evidence to suggest that stock market fluctuations have a significant wealth effect. Variations in the housing market, by contrast, have far more significant effects upon consumption . The bottom line: A rising and robust stock market is a byproduct of a healthy economy, not the source of it. By using quantitative easing to stimulate the stock market, the Fed has been treating the symptoms, not the causes–effectively putting the cart in front of the horse. Economic demand is stimulated by investing in infrastructure, education and entrepreneurship. And perhaps more importantly, the probability of economic growth is maximized by removing the political barriers that prevent decisive action during times of crisis, as former Treasury Secretary Larry Summers wrote over the weekend. More stimulus is needed, but the stimulus needs to be allocated to projects that actually create jobs and close the competitive gap between America and its economic competitors. If you can revitalize the economy, the stock market will follow… Both sides of the fiscal debate must realize that we now have a window of opportunity to kick-start these infrastructure projects, as Summers points out. Long-term interest rates are below 3%, and construction unemployment stands at 20%. The time has come to start rebuilding America into a real, sustainable and competitive economy. To do this, we’ll have to allocate stimulus to people who actually need jobs, instead of propping up hedge fund managers looking for their next big bonus. It’s time to get the horse in front of the cart again…

Read the full article →

Dave Johnson: Dems Should Vote for Clean Debt Limit Bill

May 31, 2011

The House is voting on a “clean” debt ceiling bill today — a bill to raise the debt ceiling without any “hostage-taking” conditions. This is the right thing to do for the country and every Democrat should vote for this. Voting for a clean bill will draw the contrast for the public between those who are doing the right thing, and those willing to hold the world’s economy hostage to a make-the-rich-richer plutocracy agenda. Democrats who do not vote for a clean bill should lose committee assignments, parking places, even bathroom keys. The Debt Ceiling The country’s “debt ceiling” has been reached. This means that the government’s authority to borrow money has reached its limit. The Treasury Department is engaging in gimmicks and schemes to keep the country going but time is running out. The Congress must extend this limit, or the government will default on its bonds. If our government defaults on its bonds, it would initiate a worldwide financial crisis that dwarfs the Wall Street meltdown of a few years ago. WHY We Have This Debt In 1981, the Reagan administration dramatically changed the course of the country. They defunded government by passing huge tax cuts for the rich and massively increasing military spending, and began cutting back on the things We, the People (government) do for each other. The country cut back on maintaining — never mind modernizing — our infrastructure, our schools, colleges and universities, scientific research and other things that make us competitive in world markets. We began cashing in our factories and moving the jobs out of the country. As a result of Reagan-era changes, our trade deficits soared, wages stagnated, pensions disappeared, and a few extremely wealthy started getting much, much richer. One major result of these changes, of course, was the huge budget deficits that accumulated into today’s massive debt. This was the plan from the start , to “starve the beast” by defunding government and forcing the debt to reach a level where there was no choice but to cut back on democratic government’s protections for the people, unleashing plutocracy. Hostage-Taking Enabled: The Tax Cut Extension This debate over the debt ceiling and hostage-taking follows the recent extension of the Bush tax cuts — another product of hostage-taking. At the end of the last Congress, unemployment benefits for the millions of unemployed were running out. Republicans — having filibustered much of the legislation of the prior two years — held the extension of benefits “hostage” saying they would not let it pass unless the deficit-creating Bush tax cuts were extended. Enough Democrats caved and passed an extension of the Bush tax cuts. This validated hostage-taking as a successful tactic while making the deficit much worse, setting the stage for today’s debt-ceiling fight. The Vote Is A Trick Today’s vote has been scheduled by the Republican leadership as a trap, trying to get some Democrats to vote with Republicans to support their hostage-taking agenda and create the appearance of bipartisan support for plutocracy. If the Republican position gets the support of enough Democratic members, Republicans can then demand deep cuts in Medicare and other programs that help people and hold corporate power in check, in exchange for their votes to allow the world’s economy to continue to operate. From TPM: First Debt Limit Vote Today As GOP Looks To Divide Dems , The vote is intended to expose fault lines within the Democratic caucus, with Republicans counting on sizable number of Democrats to side with them and bolster their case that Democrats need to agree to deep spending cuts as a condition to raising the debt limit. Vote For A Clean Debt-Ceiling Bill Voting for a clean bill stops government-by-hostage-in its tracks. Voting for a clean bill saves the world’s economy. Voting for a clean bill fights the plutocracy agenda. Voting for a clean bill saves Medicare, Social Security and the things We, the People do for each other. Voting for a clean bill is the right thing to do and doing the right thing is the right thing politically. Call your member of Congress NOW and demand a vote for a clean debt-ceiling bill. (Update: Jed Lewison at DailyKos explains reasons every Democrat should vote against today’s Republican sham-bill .) This post originally appeared at Campaign for America’s Future (CAF) at their Blog for OurFuture . I am a Fellow with CAF. Sign up here for the CAF daily summary .

Read the full article →

Tornadoes, Floods Don’t Pose Threat To Larger Economy, Experts Say

May 27, 2011

WASHINGTON — The tornadoes and floods that have devastated parts of the South and Midwest have also hammered the local economies – flooding farmlands, suspending factory work and disrupting energy production. Yet for the U.S. economy overall, the damage will likely be scant. At most, the disasters might knock one-tenth of 1 percentage point off national economic growth in the April-June quarter, Wells Fargo economist Mark Vitner estimates. “It’s so small, you aren’t going to notice it,” said Patrick Newport, an economist at IHS Global Insight. Others caution, though, that the tornado season hasn’t ended yet, and the hurricane season has yet to arrive. Further major disasters could begin to weigh on the U.S. economy. Early forecasts estimate that the economy will have grown at a 2.5 percent to 3 percent annual rate in the current April-June quarter. That’s a relatively weak pace that wouldn’t spur robust job growth. Still, it’s above the 1.8 percent growth the government reported Thursday for the January-March period. The natural disasters haven’t led economists to reduce their estimates for April-June quarter. “This is a very extreme year,” said Tom Larsen, a senior vice president at Eqecat, a firm that estimates the impact of catastrophes for insurance companies and government agencies. “If it were to stop right now, it would be a once every 25 years’ or every 50 years’ occurrence.” But Larsen doesn’t expect it to stop. “There will be more tornadoes and more property damage,” he said. Typically, damage caused by tornadoes is more concentrated than damage from powerful hurricanes, such as Katrina, economists say. The tornado that devastated Joplin, Mo., on Sunday probably won’t slow the overall state’s economy very much, said Ben Kanigel, an associate economist at Moody’s Analytics. That’s because Joplin accounts for only about 2 percent of Missouri’s economic output. Larsen estimates that the Joplin twister, the deadliest in the United States in more than six decades, and the tornadoes in late April that damaged parts of Alabama and six other Southern states could cause more than $8 billion in losses. His firm hasn’t yet made a similar estimate for the Mississippi flood. Though a blow to the local areas, $8 billion in losses would hardly make a dent in a national economy that produces about $15 trillion in goods and services every year. The United States is the world’s largest economy. The economy is measured by the gross domestic product. The GDP tracks only what the economy produces; it doesn’t account for wealth or property. So if a tornado destroys a factory, the value of the lost factory isn’t counted in GDP. Only its lost output is. Likewise, the loss of a house and other personal property isn’t reflected in GDP. Yet rebuilding from a disaster can add to GDP, because reconstruction would boost output. Construction firms rebuild homes and factories. And consumers replace lost cars and appliances. That’s why analysts predict that any loss of economic output in the April-June period would be reversed in the July-September quarter. “Despite the fact that Joplin and Missouri are clearly worse off, we don’t subtract this destruction from GDP,” said David Mitchell, an economist at Missouri State University. “But we do add people’s work to recreate the infrastructure, homes and buildings that were destroyed. In this sense, GDP can be a poor measure of a country’s economic well-being.” The disasters have had devastating consequences for many communities. The American Farm Bureau Federation estimates that nearly 3.6 million acres of farmland are either under water or have been damaged by the Mississippi River flood. The river, swollen by spring rains and a large snow melt, has forced evacuations of thousands of homes from Tennessee to Mississippi. John Michael Riley, an agricultural economist at Mississippi State University, estimates that the flood has destroyed up to $1.5 billion of corn, wheat and other crops. Livestock pastures and fish farms have also been hurt, he said. Still, some industries haven’t been hit as hard as analysts had feared. Many had economists worried that several major oil refineries near New Orleans might be flooded and have to shut down. That would have crimped supplies and potentially driven up the price of oil. But that didn’t happen. “The worst fears have not been realized as of yet,” said Andy Lipow, president of Lipow Oil Associates, a Houston-based firm.

Read the full article →

Does Google Finally Have A Winner?

May 26, 2011

Google’s latest product marks another attempt by the Internet giant to launch a new business that will help it move beyond its highly profitable (and decade-old) search engine. So does Google finally have a winner? Or is it repeating the same mistakes that doomed its other ventures? The new service, Google Wallet , uses near-field communication technology to enable users to pay for purchases, redeem coupons and track loyalty points by swiping their smartphones over readers at registers. Google will not take a cut of transaction fees. Rather, the company aims to leverage the information it collects about what consumers buy, where they purchase and how frequently in order to sell ads, coupons and loyal reward programs to local retailers via its Google Offers service. In essence, Google aims to apply its success with online advertising to offline activity in the physical world. Google Wallet is just the latest in the company’s long line of ambitious product launches, which have spanned everything from social networking to e-commerce. Many of these efforts have been ignominious flops: Google Buzz fizzled and led to a settlement with the FTC over “deceptive” privacy practices; Google Wave, the “email killer,” proved far too complex for most users; Google TV has failed to make inroads into the living room; and Google Music lacks the simplicity and record label deals to compete with Apple’s iTunes. Time and again, Google has unveiled products that seem far better suited to Silicon Valley labs than to the marketplace, announcing half-baked, still-in-beta services that appeal to early adopters but lack the ease-of-use of other devices and products. Google Wallet could prove to be no different, though much will depend on Google’s success in wooing not only industry stakeholders, but also retailers and shoppers, to trade plastic for phones. With Google Wallet , Google seems to have learned some lessons from past missteps and has rallied others in the payment industry to join in its mission to make wallets obsolete. Whereas Google Music launched without the support of music studios, Google Wallet had the blessing of Citibank, MasterCard, First Data, and Sprint, each giants in their field and integral in processing credit card payments via phones. Executives from all four companies joined Google at its press conference in New York Thursday to praise the effort. Citi executive Paul Galant noted that Google Wallet marked an “important milestone in digital and mobile banking.” “This shows some increasing maturity on Google’s part,” said Forrester analyst Charles Golvin of Google’s partnerships. “They did a good job of making sure that they partnered with the key players in the industry and that what they released was aligned with those partners’ interests and business models.” Yet Google seems to have made less progress convincing retailers to get on board, which could be dangerous. Over 100,000 merchants in the United States have terminals that enable them to accept contactless payments via phones and other devices, but Google announced that, so far, just 15 merchants will participate in its Offers program to present coupons, loyalty credit and other perks via the Wallet app. In this sense, Google Wallet looks a lot like Google TV: once again, the company has the infrastructure but lacks the goods. With its television product, Google worked with Logitech and Sony to produce the hardware that was necessary–just as Google has convinced Mastercard, Citi and others to support the payment system Google Wallet depends on. But it failed to win over the networks that control access to must-see TV, just as Google has, to date, been unable to attract more than a handful of retailers to provide discounts and perks. “I think there’s a huge issue about having the sufficient critical mass of merchants–and merchants you want to shop at,” said Alistair Newton, a research vice president with Gartner, a research firm. “The merchants that will sign up for this sort of thing can often be merchants who are desperate for sales, not necessarily merchants I go to make purchases from.” Google, known for innovative but not always intuitive products, also faces the challenge of convincing consumers to toss their wallets for a product the company itself has noted is still in its early stages. Analysts warn that consumers may have little tolerance for a work-in-progress service, especially one that integrates sensitive credit card information and involves something as basic and crucial as paying. Who wants to arrive at a store, try on clothes, wait in line, then discover they’re unable to pay because of technical difficulties with a product still in its beta form? The potential inconvenience Google Wallet could cause far outweighs carrying a three-inch piece of plastic. Google Wallet may also have what proves to be a crippling number of exceptions: It isn’t available for every credit card, on any smartphone, in every city in the nation or at every retailer. In fact, Google Wallet will launch in just two cities and on one phone, the Nexus S 4G. “There are a lot of underlying questions whose answer is ‘not very many,’” said Golvin. “How many phones are there that people can use it with? Not very many. How many card issuers out there let you put existing payment credentials in there? Not very many. How many merchants can you pay with this technology? Not zero, but in the grand scheme of all merchants in the U.S., not very many. You have to ask yourself, what’s the value? Why would a consumer be motivated to not pull out a credit card and use a phone instead?” Yet Google’s greatest advantage may ultimately come from the forward-thinking nature of this product. Analysts note that the company’s past failures have often been services that tried to compete with existing brands, such as PayPal, Twitter and iTunes. Google Wallet is the first service of its kind, and it plays to Google’s strengths collecting and leveraging vast quantities of user data to sell lots and lots of ads. Google’s control over smartphones–its Android operating system powers a lion’s share of smartphones in the U.S.–may also it give the company the leverage it needs to convince additional partners to bring NFC technology to more and more handsets. “Google doesn’t do well when it tries to replicate someone else’s business,” said Nick Holland, a senior analyst at the Yankee Group, a firm specializing in tech industry research. “Whereas the other initiatives were frankly copycats, [Google Wallet] is new… No on else is doing this, there’s no one else out there in the U.S. with a digital wallet that can store credit cards on a mobile device.” No one else for now. Apple is rumored to be developing its own digital wallet solution .

Read the full article →

Google Doesn’t Want Your Money, Just Your Data

May 26, 2011

Google may have unveiled a digital wallet, but it’s not your money they care about. It’s your data. The Internet giant announced plans to roll out the Google Wallet this summer, a mobile app that allows users to swipe their phones at the register using near-field communication (NFC) technology, instead of carrying a credit card. Google has partnered with Citibank, Mastercard, First Data, Sprint and certain retailers to back up the product, making it the first digital wallet to launch with such a comprehensive collection of partnerships. But analysts say despite Google’s speed in getting its product to market and the range of its partnerships, the digital wallet space is still too young to proclaim Google the definitive victor, especially given that the Google Wallet will work on only one phone, with one credit card, from one bank, for a handful of retailers. And it may not even be competitors in the payment space that truly have cause for concern, but rather the other Internet companies looking to tap into the consumer data Google now has special access to. “They have some very significant challenges ahead of them,” said Rick Oglesby, senior analyst at the Aite Group, a financial research and consulting firm. “There are a tremendous number of players in the space. Google’s hitting the ground first. They have a big first mover advantage, but they have to work hard to continue the momentum.” Experts say that Google’s approach to its Google Wallet sticks with traditional payments methods: It relies on users’ existing credit cards and uses the infrastructure that has been in place for years. By partnering with the companies that manage payments at every level–the banks that issue cards, the card companies, the companies behind cash register technologies, the security management for the card data–Google makes it clear that it’s not trying to displace traditional financial institutions or ways of paying. Google won’t be taking a cut of transaction fees, leaving credit card companies’ revenue untapped. Instead, Google Wallet targets at other companies aiming to provide their own digital wallet systems. The field is already crowded with players ranging from credit card company Visa to upstart startup Square to wireless-carrier effort ISIS. Though not yet official, it’s also been rumored that Apple’s next iPhone will have near field communication . “Moving data back and forth to effect a payment — they’re not going to try and worry about that,” said Oglesby. “What they’re also trying to do, what all these providers are trying to do, is this new business component: providing a wallet.” Though the Google Wallet is the most complete iteration of a digital wallet to hit the market, its limitations mean that for ordinary people, it won’t make much of a splash. “I would say from a consumer perspective this isn’t terribly significant,” said Oglesby. “But for the payment business it’s very significant. It’s someone getting on the ground and taking NFC and saying, ‘I’m going to make it work today.’” Analysts say the ultimate benefit Google gains from controlling such mobile wallet technology may have very little to do with the payments space. Through the Wallet, Google could gather huge amounts of customer data keyed to local actions and mobile use, a hugely valuable set of data that everyone on the web is working to get their hands on. “The competition will be with the coupons and the targeted offers,” said Aaron McPherson, a practice analyst at IDC Financial Insights, a financial technology research firm. “Because that’s where you have to get customer information — that’s the holy grail.” Google could use its access to customers to drive the successful deployment of its Google Offers , the system of local deals and discounts tied to the Wallet. By serving up these special offers at the time people plan to spend money, specified to the place they are shopping, Google will have a huge advantage over rival deals sites like Groupon. “They get very, very granular information pertaining to what you buy, when you buy, and that information is gold,” said Nick Holland, senior analyst at the Yankee Group, a tech research firm. “In one fell swoop they have trumped anything from Foursquare or Groupon. Now Google owns location-based advertising in the physical world.” While Visa has announced plans to utilize NFC in the future in conjunction with its own digital wallet, and wireless-carrier backed ISIS has also decided to turn to credit card companies for a mobile wallet service, neither has actually delivered a concrete plan for how they might do so. Despite the fanfare, Google Wallet will have to work towards widespread customer adoption to achieve success. Though the digital wallet may appeal in a futuristic way, it’s not clear that it will actually be more convenient than carrying a physical wallet. After all, if your cell phone runs out of battery, there too goes your money. “When it comes to making payments with your primary credit card in North America, it’s really not that difficult. It’s not like it’s a big challenge for me to take my credit card out and swipe it,” said Brad Strothkamp, a principal analyst at Forrester Research, a tech research firm. “Any time we try to get the customer to change habits, there has to be a significant incremental benefit to the customer to essentially change behaviors they’ve had for 20 years. That is not a small task.” Google and its competitors face the difficulties inherent in forging a path through unexplored territory. It’s worth noting that the three major contenders in the field all come from entirely different industries, with Visa as the only company that actually deals in payments as its primary business. Google has managed to sidestep the rest by bringing in the wide cast of operators that control the different aspects of the payment industry, though it remains to be seen if financial companies like Visa, also pursuing mobile payments, will prove to be uncooperative in the future. Still, experts suggest that competitors might have anywhere from 12 to 18 months to ready their products without falling too far behind, as customer adoption of such technologies will likely be hampered by the lack of NFC enabled phones, small number of participating retailers, and the cooperation of credit cards and banks. “It’s great that they’re doing this and it will get everybody moving a little more quickly, but it’s not going to take over the world tomorrow,” said Oglesby. “It’s still going to take some time to play out.”

Read the full article →

Tealeaf Names Jawahar Malhotra Vice President of Engineering

May 24, 2011

Pioneer in Web Infrastructure and Applications, Platform as a Service, and Analytics Platforms Brings Additional Expertise to Customer Experience Management Leader

Read the full article →

ValidSoft Hires Senior Executives to Strengthen Product Development and Support

May 18, 2011

LONDON–(Marketwire – May 18, 2011) – ValidSoft, a global supplier of fraud prevention, authentication and transaction verification solutions, today announced several key executive hires. ValidSoft has significantly increased its product development and maintenance capabilities by appointing Owen Tippett as Infrastructure Manager and Ashley Parsons as Test Manager. The appointments are new roles in line with the company’s strategic expansion plans to support its increased ability to meet complex fraud prevention challenges and market demands. ValidSoft ( www.validsoft.com ) is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Elephant Talk Communications ( OTCBB : ETAK ) ( www.elephanttalk.com ), an international provider of business software to the telecommunications and the financial industries.

Read the full article →

Otaviano Canuto: South-South Trade Is the Answer

May 11, 2011

Istanbul is now at the center of the development action. In this splendorous city — where West and East converge — leaders from all over the globe have gotten together this week to assess the development results and challenges of the world’s poorest countries. One of the goals of the 4th United Nations Conference on Least Developed Countries is to reduce the number of these nations from the current 48 to 24 over the next decade. And one of the things we can do to ensure this is to increase trade and South-South trade in particular. Some skeptics point out that the over-dependence of low-income countries on commodities and natural resources has limited their economic prospects. Or that it was precisely through trade and financial integration that the 2008 financial crisis was transmitted to many emerging markets, while poorer and less integrated economies remained isolated from the worst of the crisis. But the reality is that in the recovery from the crisis, trade is becoming a powerful engine for economic opportunity. And not in the traditional way. South-South trade is becoming increasingly important. World Bank data shows that while demand in developed countries remains stagnant, trade among developing nations is growing. Between 1996 and 2006, South-South trade tripled and nearly half of imports to low- and middle-income countries now come from other countries like them. China is leading much of the recovery. While the OECD , a group of the wealthy nations, still accounts for most imports, its share has dropped from 69 percent to 59 percent in only eight years. China’s share, on the other hand, has increased from eight to 14 percent. The least developed countries can benefit from the South-South trend because countries like China, India, Brazil and other leading emerging economies are becoming new markets for their products. Beyond volume, poor countries often face significant non-price barriers to breaking into markets in high income countries — like meeting technical standards — so the barriers to entry to developing countries may be lower. And even if traditional barriers tend to be higher in the South than in the North, lowering these would provide an incredible boost to the exports of the least developed countries. In addition, South-South trade can promote diversification, which is key to offset the over-reliance on natural resource exports that many of the poorest countries face. But no matter what they do — whether they continue exporting to high income countries or diversify their exports by finding new markets in the South — the least developed countries need to reduce their trade costs. How? By improving trade logistics — the capacity to efficiently move goods and connect manufacturers and consumers with international markets–and trade facilitation, which goes from better infrastructure (like in ports and transportation corridors) to faster border agencies. It might sound daunting but it is possible. Development agencies like the World Bank are increasing their work on Aid for Trade and trade facilitation. High income countries have a lot to do too. In addition to keeping their markets open to the exports of poor countries, they should help pay for the infrastructure and other trade facilitation improvements in the South. If everyone recognizes that trade increases are at the core of the economic recovery from the global crisis, the benefits will also be global. This blog was originally posted on the World Bank Institute Growth and Crisis website .

Read the full article →

Richard ‘Skip’ Bronson: After the Sideshow

May 7, 2011

In the early 1980′s, there was a Broadway musical production that had a successful run in London and New York called Barnum, about the life of P.T. Barnum, the famed circus showman. The opening musical number, performed by Michael Crawford for a number of those shows, was entitled “There’s A Sucker Born Every Minute.” It chronicled Barnum’s colorful career and reflected his business strategy, too. One of his great business innovations was, of course, the sideshow, where an unusual performer or physical specimen would entertain the crowd while the real work of the circus was underway, moving elephants and raising tents and the like. That bit of theater, and Barnum himself, remind me of the last couple of weeks with the events of Black Friday and the implosion of the illegal offshore internet gaming operators. It is a story of Barnums and sideshows that has us all wondering what will happen next. Many were stunned by the events that led to the indictments of a number of the offshore moguls, who had been purposefully avoiding U.S. regulation and taxation, even as they were unscrupulously operating here on our shores. Not me — I’ve been warning of this for over a year and suggesting that this is just the tip of the iceberg to the issue. Everybody in gaming and in government knew who these foreign characters and companies were, yet chose to turn an eye toward their presence in our industry. Many in Washington were blinded by their high-priced lobbyists and their campaign contributions. One day, the huddle would want a federal bill, when the influence seemed to point toward victory there. The next day, they’d be hustling into a state where their friends would try to clear the path for a legislative or regulatory win. In either scenario, the efforts were doomed, as the truth was certain to emerge and the lawful, American system would recognize the smokescreen which, it did. So Black Friday comes and goes and has many wondering, does this mean that U.S. Internet gaming is doomed? Did they damage or destroy the opportunity? My answer is no, Black Friday didn’t ruin the emergence of U.S Internet gaming; it actually helped it. Black Friday forced us all to realize four key points. First, there is no role for the illegal operators in the U.S. system, however that ultimately gets structured. Those companies were a dark cloud that would constantly hover over our industry. They needed to be removed to create a clean slate and, they were. Secondly, it reaffirmed that online gaming must be held to the same regulatory standards of all other U.S. gaming, which is the strictest, most professional and effective in the world. I get that and, support it entirely, having been licensed in a number of states from my years with Mirage. And third, it confirms a point that I’ve known all along — there is plenty of American know-how and capability in the online space, with our Silicon Valley technology and world-class financial services platforms and transactional processes. We don’t need the seedy games, the uncertain finances and lax attitudes of many of the offshore operators. We have plenty of know-how and expertise right here and, the tax revenues should remain in the U.S., where they were generated. I know all of this for sure, as someone who has been on the front lines of this industry every day for the last couple of years. And fourth, this tells me once again that it is a state-by-state issue. The feds have tried twice in the last couple of years to do this but, cannot get it right and, they won’t. The states have the infrastructure and know how to create a sensitive balancing act that also protects the bricks, even as they move toward clicks. Black Friday was an ugly set of circumstances for many. But, the sideshow is gone now and, the rest of us can look ahead with optimism on a path that is cleaner than ever and more clear, too.

Read the full article →

Dave Johnson: Royal Wedding of Austerity and Trade Deficits Is Killing Our Economy

April 29, 2011

Sometimes you can just see glimmers of something through the DC brain fog, other times it becomes so clear that you can’t ignore it. The current DC brain-fog motto is, “if it doesn’t work, do it more.” Today’s GDP-growth report shows that austerity isn’t working, so the geniuses in DC want to do it more. And they say, “government just gets in the way of business” so we send our businesses out on their own to compete with governments, and the resulting trade deficits eat our jobs. Cutbacks Cut Growth How long ago was it that DC was all about cutting taxes for the rich even more? And how many minutes after that was DC all about cutting budgets — “austerity” — because of the resulting budget deficits? So instead of the jobs that will fix the deficits the government gives us cutbacks — cutbacks in taxes on the rich, cutbacks in construction projects, cutbacks in teachers and police and other government functions, cutbacks in the things We, the People do for each other. We watch as England, Greece, Ireland and other countries try cutbacks — austerity — to get out of slow growth and their growth gets slower as a result. The U.S. tries it, too, and our growth gets slower, too. The first quarter growth figures are out: 1.8% for the first three months of the year : Total output grew at an annual pace of 1.8 percent from January through March, the Commerce Department said Thursday, after having expanded at an annual rate of 3.1 percent in the fourth quarter of 2010. But the DC fog machine blames the weather, not austerity. Higher commodity prices and winter blizzards that shuttered businesses and delayed construction were among the main causes of the slowdown. Our growth slows because of austerity. So they blame the weather and insist on more austerity. Because austerity “gets government out of the way” of the wealthy few and their accumulation of the rest . Trade Deficit As the economy recovered a bit and people started to buy a few more things , the things came from elsewhere, and the money and jobs just left the economy . Without government policies to deal with it, our trade deficit will continue to get even worse, costing us even more jobs and growth and draining even more money out of the country. Germany runs a trade surplus, so German unemployment is at its lowest level in 19 years. Headline: German Unemployment Declines to 19-Year Low as Export Boom Drives Demand : German companies are hiring as they increase production to meet booming export orders, fueling domestic demand. … German factory orders and industrial production rose more than economists predicted in February. … More than a third of Germany’s medium-sized companies plan to take on staff in the second quarter… Germany also pays workers more than we do, gives them lots and lots of vacation time, health care, pensions, rights on the job — all the things that our leaders say hurt our businesses. Our leadership is making every effort to return to the old economy that caused the crisis. This is because those who benefited from that economy are still in control of the system, still using their great wealth to get what they want , damn the consequences for the rest of us. (Hint, the first link is to a post titled, Nine Pictures Of The Extreme Income/Wealth Gap , and the second is a post titled, Corporate Propaganda Response To Town Hall Medicare Anger .) Contractionary Policies Cause Contraction Conservatives say so many silly things that are proven wrong by the simplest fact-checking — cutting taxes increases revenue, taxes take money out of the economy, tax cuts grow the economy — and the silly thing they say that is hitting us now: cutting back causes expansion. Huh? Here is what really happens in the real world. Following are a few charts showing the effect of the “stimulus” and what has happened since the stimulus ran out. First, manufacturing. See the plunge through 2008? That’s the collapse. See the sharp change to an upward direction through 2009? That’s the stimulus. See the leveling off since? That’s the end of the stimulus. Now look at the following chart of job growth. See the downward slope, when we were losing more and more jobs every month? That’s the collapse. See the upward slope, when we were losing fewer jobs every month, up to where we were actually gaining a bit? That’s the stimulus. See the leveling off, standing still through 2010, going into 2011. That’s the end of the stimulus. You can see in front of your face what works and what doesn’t. We should be doing what works, not what doesn’t. Why did I even have to write that sentence? Solutions As I wrote the other day , we have to invest in rebuilding our infrastructure if we want to continue to be competitive in the world, so right there are millions of jobs that need doing. And the payoff from doing that pays for doing that. We need to retrofit our economy to be energy efficient , so right there are millions of jobs that need doing. And the payoff from doing that pays for doing that. We need more teachers, more police, more firefighters, more judges, more scientists, more social workers, more park rangers, more noise abatement and met and safety and environmental and other kinds of inspectors and so many other things that We, the People do for each other — so right there are millions of jobs that need doing. And the payoff from doing that pays for doing that. So right there are millions of jobs that need doing. And the payoff from doing that pays for doing that. But wait, there’s more: National Manufacturing Strategy The idea of a manufacturing strategy or industrial policy is hardly a radical concept. Alexander Hamilton constructed America’s first industrial policy in 1791. Setbacks during the War of 1812 due to a lack of domestic capacity to build naval vessels and military equipment cemented the determination of the federal government to grow manufacturing, a policy that continued until the end of World War II. To solve the trade deficit and create millions of good-paying jobs (like in Germany) we need a national manufacturing strategy — a government-sanctioned plan to ensure that U.S. manufacturers remain competitive in the global marketplace. Click this link for a few examples of countries that have national manufacturing strategies. Following is the Alliance for American Manufacturing’s plan : Expand American Production, Hiring, and Capital Expenditures Establish a manufacturing investment facility to leverage private capital for domestic manufacturing Expand and make permanent clean energy manufacturing tax credits and industrial energy efficiency grants to allow America to lead on green job creation Link federal loan guarantees for new energy infrastructure projects, including nuclear, wind, solar, other renewable energy sources, as well as the smart grid, with expanding domestic supply chains Adopt immediate, up-front expensing rules for plant and equipment to spur capital expenditures Enforce our trade-legal Buy America and other domestic procurement requirements to prevent leakage of tax dollars overseas Invest in America’s Infrastructure Create a National Infrastructure Bank to finance high-value, long-term infrastructure projects, such as roads, bridges, high-speed rail, and other needs Enact a robust, multi-year surface transportation infrastructure program of at least $500 billion financed exclusively by fuel taxes Enhance Our Workforce Refocus on technical and vocational education, providing a seamless program that bridges high school and post-secondary education to produce the next generation of highly skilled manufacturing workers Reward companies that are investing in effective skills and training programs for their workers Make Trade Work for America Keep America’s trade laws strong and strictly enforced to provide a level playing field for our workers and businesses Penalize and deter mercantilist nations such as China that manipulate their exchange rates and implement non-tariff barriers to gain an unfair trade advantage As the Administration works to double exports, expand the goal to include balancing our trade account so that gains in exports are not overwhelmed by increased imports Rebuild America’s Innovation Base Make permanent the research and development tax credit and enhance it to incentivize commercialization and production in America Focus federal investments in new technology and workforce training on promoting regional clusters of innovation, learning and production And finally, It Never Hurts To Quote The Boss Press release WASHINGTON’S FIXATION WITH AUSTERITY IS HURTING THE ECONOMY Campaign for America’s Future Urges Lawmakers to Put Job Creation First Washington, DC – Campaign for America’s Future’s co-director Robert Borosage commented on today’s economic indicators. Borosage said: “The first quarter growth figures — 1.8% for the first three months of the year — are an ominous reminder of the reality that Washington has forgotten. “This economy is in trouble. For most Americans, the recession has not ended. Growth is painfully slow. Unemployment remains high. Home values are dropping; gas prices are rising; wages are not keeping up. “Despite this — and despite the warnings of economists — Washington, driven by the new House Republican majority, has turned prematurely to austerity. Contractionary policies cause contraction. They will impede any recovery, and slow an economy that is barely moving. “Washington offers no answer because it is fixated on the wrong question. The question is how do we get the economy going and put people back to work — not simply how do we balance our books? Every deficit reduction plan — from the President’s to the House Republican’s to the Congressional Budget Office projections — assumes faster growth than we saw in the first quarter. “The most powerful deficit reduction measure is to put people to work, turning them into consumers and taxpayers. If growth and unemployment stay at this level, deficits will rise, not fall. The White House and the Congress should turn to measures to put people to work, to stave off debilitating layoffs of teachers and police at the state and local level, instead of ignoring the reality that Americans are struggling with every day.” Sobotka, from The Wire : This post originally appeared at Campaign for America’s Future (CAF) at their Blog for OurFuture . I am a Fellow with CAF. Sign up here for the CAF daily summary .

Read the full article →

Richard Kirsch: We’re Not Broke. We’ve Been Robbed!

April 25, 2011

We’re not broke. We’ve been robbed by the super-rich and big corporations who are raking in the cash and running up the deficit. Our economy is still more than twice as large as any other country in the world. With 4% of the world’s population, we generate 24% of its wealth . We spend more on our military than almost all other nations combined and more than twice as much per person on health care as other developed countries. But over the past three decades, the rich have gotten richer while their tax rates have plummeted. While the income of the richest 400 Americans quadrupled — they now have more wealth than the 155 million Americans on the other end — their effective tax rates were cut almost in half . One thing is for sure: corporate America is not broke. Sitting on some two trillion in cash, fattened every quarter by record profits, corporate taxes are at an historic low in terms of the economy and share of federal revenues. And that includes Wall Street, which was rewarded with bailouts, bonuses and bonanza profits for igniting the deepest recession in three-quarters of a century. We’re not broke, but the wealth grab is wrecking our economy. The rich can’t spend enough to keep the economy going. The engine that drives it is a strong middle class. The problem isn’t that we haven’t generated wealth, it’s that we’ve stopped sharing the wealth we’ve generated. If wages had kept up with productivity over the past 30 years, the median wage would be 60% higher than it is now. If income had increased at the same rate for everyone from 1979 to 2006, the average family would make about $10,000 more a year , but the top 1% would make $700,000 less. We’re not broke, but the power grab of the greedy is ruining our democracy. None of this happened by accident, nor is it the inevitable result of globalization and technological change. While the rich gobbled up a bigger chunk of the United States’ economy, that hasn’t been true in other developed countries — including Germany, France and Japan — that face the same economic pressures. Our politicians have been bought off with campaign contributions and wined and dined by lobbyists, many of whom used to work for or serve in Congress. Democracy is increasingly a myth; politicians respond to the policy preferences of the richest 10% and ignore the choices of the rest of us . The result has been tax, spending, financial and trade policies that have resulted in huge deficits and a crumbling middle class. The middle class is not only the engine of our economy, it’s the glue of our democracy. A bigger middle class leads to higher voting rates and lower levels of public corruption. When we believe that the system is stacked against us, we’re more likely to drop out or cheat. It’s no wonder that despite elite celebration of economic recovery, Americans are deeply pessimistic about the future . Much of the public believes that our best days are behind us. And unless we build a movement for change, they will be right. Building a movement for change requires both anger and hope. The story I’ve just told gets people angry. To turn that anger into positive change we need the rest of the story, how we can write a happy ending if we rally together. The fact is, it doesn’t have to be this way. We can make other choices that will lead to shared prosperity, opportunity and security for all and a brighter future for our children. We can create good jobs for everyone in America. There is more than enough vital work to be done, and Americans stand ready and eager to do it. We can create tens of millions of jobs, jobs for a green economy and energy independence, jobs to rebuild our infrastructure and create a new one for the information age, jobs to educate our children and take care of our seniors. We can assure that every job — private and public — pays enough to support a family, with decent wages, health and retirement benefits and family-friendly leave policies. We can create good jobs in America with the right trade, tax, purchasing and financial policies. Each of these are political choices, within our control. We can tame the deficit without sacrificing our future by creating good jobs, increasing taxes on the wealthy and closing corporate tax loopholes, cutting unneeded military spending and controlling health care spending through a system that puts quality ahead of quantity and stops overpayments to drug and health insurance companies. There are real budget proposals in Congress that do all that. We can take our democracy back from the super-wealthy and big corporations if we create a real movement for change. We need to embed the reforms necessary for restoring our democracy — public financing of elections, slamming the revolving door shut between Congress and corporate lobbyists, a Supreme Court that has the common sense to see that money is not speech and corporations are not people — in the movement to create shared prosperity and opportunity for all. We’re not broke, but we have been impoverished by an “on-your-own” ideology that denies the best in us. At the end, this is a question of what we believe. When you stood in school and took the pledge of allegiance, was it a pledge for liberty and justice for the few, for the super-rich? Or was it a pledge for liberty and justice for all? That’s the pledge I remember taking: liberty and justice in an America that works for all. Cross-posted from New Deal 2.0 .

Read the full article →

Behind New York’s School System Shakeup

April 8, 2011

NEW YORK — It was a day of tumult for the leadership that presides over New York City’s classrooms. Cathie Black, New York City’s Schools Chancellor, is leaving just as quickly as she came. On Thursday morning, the senior staff of the city’s Department of Education gathered for an emergency meeting. Similar to an identical gathering held in November, when Black was announced as then-Schools Chancellor Joel Klein’s replacement, news of her departure again came out of left field. Word quickly spread. At an 11:30 a.m. press conference, New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg announced that former publishing executive Black was out and longtime deputy mayor Dennis Walcott was in, pending a waiver from the state. Walcott held court over his new staff at an open-press meeting later in the day. Speaking at a news conference, Bloomberg said he and Black had agreed it was “in the city’s best interest” for her to step down after just three months on the job. Her tenure was marred by ongoing controversy — getting lost between school visits in Queens, political gaffes and, most recently, abysmal approval ratings that sank to a low of 17 percent, according to a Marist College/NY1 poll. Later on Thursday, it was revealed that New York State Education Department Commissioner David Steiner was also stepping down from the post he’s held since 2009. Steiner told the New York Times that the timing of the two announcements was merely a coincidence. While the infrastructure of the city’s schools was jolted to its core, it’s unclear whether Bloomberg’s missteps will have larger national implications. The appointment of Black, who had no prior experience in public education, baffled many both inside the New York’s classrooms and across the country. It has proven to be one of the most public embarrassments of the Bloomberg administration, now in its controversial third term . “It hasn’t worked out as either of us hoped and expected,” admitted Bloomberg, who said it was a time to look forward and not back. Further, the events surrounding Black’s departure may foretell the limits of mayoral control. “We’re seeing in the last year or so that the silver bullets are starting to lose their luster — charter schools, merit pay and mayoral control,” said Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers and a major figure in the country’s debate about the role of teachers’ unions in public education. Despite Walcott’s emphasis that he will continue executing Klein’s policies and Bloomberg’s vision for his 1.1 million students, Weingarten sees the shakeup as an opportunity to “reset the clock.” Bloomberg’s follies might cause other cities on the hunt for a new schools chief to think twice before tapping someone with, for example, little experience in the classroom. Currently, Chicago, Atlanta, Providence, Detroit and Newark are seeking education leaders. “What happens in New York always has repercussions elsewhere,” said Diane Ravitch, a New York University education historian and former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Education who has since become a critic of what she sees as the corporatization of education policy. “The superintendents come and go with great rapidity,” she added. Black and Steiner aren’t the only ones who have fled New York City’s school system. Since Bloomberg appointed Black, roughly half of the city’s education officials have left their jobs. Just yesterday, Deputy Chancellor John White also announced his exit. White is headed to New Orleans, where he’ll succeed the departing Paul Vallas as head of the Recovery School District. Added to the list of the recently departed: Eric Nadelstern, the former deputy chancellor for the division of school support and instruction, Photeine Anagnostopoulos, the finance director, Elizabeth Sciabarra, the admissions and school choice advisor and Santiago Taveras, a deputy chancellor. David Bloomfield, who chairs the education department at the College of Staten Island, was not the only education expert who likened the exodus of Black’s knowledgeable support staff to rats deserting a sinking ship. “This will go down in history as Bloomberg’s education blizzard,” he predicted. Bloomfield joined others in viewing Black’s resignation as long overdue. “The day Cathie Black was appointed, I was hearing from insiders that people were planning on getting out as quickly as they could,” said Aaron Pallas, a professor of sociology and education at Columbia University’s Teachers College. Nadelstern, 55, said he left his post to spend more time with his family, for a more reflective job at Teachers College and to access his pension. He added that Klein’s striking reforms brought attention to the district and its personnel, allowed White, for example, to be poached by another large city. He also noted that having eight deputy chancellors at one time was the result of formerly generous budgets. “I don’t think Black was in the position long enough for us to understand what she might have been capable of,” said Nadelstern of his former boss. Michael Casserly, executive director of the Council of the Great City Schools, recently met with Black and was taken with her charisma. At the time, he said she had every expectation of sticking around for the long haul. At the afternoon gathering Thursday, Walcott said he intends to work with Black in whichever way she desires. He will become chancellor once Steiner signs a waiver allowing him to serve despite his lack of official state superintendent certification. This time around, securing Steiner’s go-ahead is likely to be less controversial than it was for Black because no one disputes Walcott’s classroom credentials. Walcott has long been a trusted aide on education policy, having served in the Bloomberg administration for nine years. He formerly taught kindergarten and was C.E.O. and president of the New York Urban League. A veteran of city’s public school system, he graduated from Francis Lewis High School in Queens. Further, Walcott has two master’s degrees — one in education from the University of Bridgeport and another in social work from Fordham University. Walcott’s nomination figures in stark contrast to Black’s Park Avenue address and public perception as an elite outsider. “I’m just a guy from Queens, I’m just a city guy,” said Walcott at Thursday’s press conference. Some wondered why Walcott hadn’t first been appointed, allowing Bloomberg to avoid the Black debacle altogether. “Rather than pick a darling of reform movement, Bloomberg has chosen someone that doesn’t have to come in and learn the city,” said Jeffrey Henig, a professor of political science and education at Teachers College. “He’s thinking about it more clearly than he had the last time around.”

Read the full article →

CEO: ‘Caterpillar Is Here To Stay’

April 6, 2011

EAST PEORIA, Ill. — Illinois is facing growing concerns among business leaders that its policies hurt the companies that drive its economy, the head of Caterpillar Inc. warned Tuesday as he met with Gov. Pat Quinn. The meeting was prompted by a letter that Caterpillar CEO Doug Oberhelman sent to the governor about other states trying to lure his company after Illinois hiked its income tax. Oberhelman spoke with Quinn for about an hour, after which he said he expects the Peoria-based heavy equipment manufacturer to remain in Illinois for the long term. Oberhelman also promised to help make the state more business-friendly, and Quinn vowed to invest in the state’s infrastructure, expand its exports and overhaul its workers compensation system. In his letter, which was leaked to a newspaper, Oberhelman wrote that his warning was not meant as a threat, but rather as a way to initiate a discussion about the state’s business environment. The tax increase was approved in January. “I think Caterpillar is here to stay,” said Oberhelman, whose company employs some 23,000 people in Illinois. Quinn acknowledged that Illinois needs to do more to improve its business environment. He boasted the state added the most total jobs in the Midwest last year, but Illinois ranked eighth in the region in terms of job growth as a percentage of the population. “When you have a tough recession as we’ve had, recovery is never easy,” Quinn said. He emphasized the need to reform the workers compensation system and double state exports in five years by increasing trade with Latin America and Africa. Quinn added Oberhelman to a state export council to help reach that goal. Illinois raised the personal income tax rate in January from 3 percent to 5 percent and the corporate rate from 4.8 percent to 7 percent. At the time, Quinn’s office said the tax hike would bring in an estimated $6.8 billion per year and help the state deal with its massive budget deficit. The tax hike led other states, including New Jersey, Indiana and Wisconsin, to appeal openly to Illinois businesses to pick up shop. Before meeting with Quinn, Oberhelman spoke at a conference on construction and transportation. He told the gathering that during a visit to Hong Kong two weeks ago, Caterpillar’s overseas representatives were surprised by the Illinois tax increase and worried about the state’s business environment. “I thought to myself, ‘That’s not the image or the brand anyone in Illinois would appreciate,’” Oberhelman said. Oberhelman declined to discuss the tax hike’s impact on Caterpillar and to say how much the company paid last year in state and federal taxes, although he said the company did pay state income taxes. Caterpillar has argued the increase hurts the company’s employees and makes it harder to attract employees such as engineers. Illinois’ businesses have made it a priority to cut the cost of workers compensation and unemployment insurance, and to cap the amount of money they could be liable for in lawsuits. Quinn has proposed a 30 percent reduction in employer payments to injured workers, which would still leave Illinois with the nation’s second-highest rates. Still, many lawmakers were disappointed Quinn’s plan doesn’t require workers to prove injuries that occurred on the jobsite were the primary reason for not being able to work. Despite disagreeing with some of his policies, many business leaders have commended Quinn for listening to their concerns and trying to make the state a better place to operate. “It is no longer talking at each other. It’s really talking with one another,” said Amir Al-Khafaji, who introduced Oberhelman and Quinn at the conference and is director of the Center for Emerging Technologies in Infrastructure at Bradley University. David Vite, president of Illinois Retail Merchants Association, said Quinn has called labor groups together for “significant negotiations” on unemployment insurance reform. He said Quinn has met with various interests to get a better grasp of the issue and how to pay $2.5 billion owed to the federal government for unemployment benefits. The Illinois Chamber of Commerce wants expanded research and development tax credits. The state’s current research and development credit has expired and other states are improving their tax packages, the group says. Kim Clarke Maisch, Illinois director for the National Federation of Independent Business, questioned the value of small business tax credits for new hires, which Quinn touted Tuesday. She said the $2,500 credit isn’t enough to coax businesses into hiring, while ones that already planned to add jobs gladly take the free money. Still, it would be something for businesses that feel under siege in Illinois, she said. “It’s better than a stick in the eye, I guess,” Maisch said.

Read the full article →

Ellen Brown: Why the Japanese Government Can Afford to Rebuild: It Owns the Largest Depository Bank in the World

April 1, 2011

The Japanese government can afford its enormous debt because it owns the bank that is its principal creditor. But competitors are attempting to force the bank’s privatization. If they succeed, they could propel the country into debt servitude along with other credit-strapped nations. When an IMF spokeswoman said at a news conference on March 17 that Japan has the financial means to recover from its devastating tsunami, skeptical bloggers wondered what she meant. Was it a polite way of saying, “You’re on your own?” Spokeswoman Caroline Atkinson said , “The most important policy priority is to address the humanitarian needs, the infrastructure needs and reconstruction and addressing the nuclear situation. We believe that the Japanese economy is a strong and wealthy society and the government has the full financial resources to address those needs.” Asked whether Japan had asked for IMF assistance, she said, “Japan has not requested any financial assistance from the IMF.” Skeptics asked how a country with a national debt that was over 200% of GDP could be “strong and wealthy.” In a CIA Factbook list of debt to GDP ratios of 132 countries in 2010, Japan was at the top of the list at 226%, passing up even Zimbabwe, ringing in at 149%. Greece and Iceland were fifth and sixth, at 144% and 124%. Yet Japan’s credit rating was still AA, while Greece and Iceland were in the BBB category. How has Japan managed to retain not only its credit rating but its status as the second or third largest economy in the world, while carrying that whopping debt load? The answer may be that the Japanese government has a captive funding source: it owns the world’s largest depository bank. As U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney said, “Deficits don’t matter.” They don’t matter, at least, when you own the bank that is your principal creditor. Japan has remained impervious to the speculative attacks that have crippled countries such as Greece and Iceland because it has not fallen into the trap of dependency on foreign financing. Japan Post Bank is now the largest holder of personal savings in the world, making it the world’s largest credit engine. Most money today originates as bank loans, and deposits are the magic pool from which this credit-money is generated. Japan Post is not only the world’s largest depository bank but its largest publicly-owned bank. By 2007, it was also the largest employer in Japan, and the holder of one-fifth of the national debt in the form of government bonds. As noted by Joe Weisenthal, writing in Business Insider in February 2010: Because Japan’s enormous public debt is largely held by its own citizens, the country doesn’t have to worry about foreign investors losing confidence. If there’s going to be a run on government debt, it will have to be the result of its own citizens not wanting to fund it anymore. And since many Japanese fund the government via accounts held at the Japan Post Bank — which in turn buys government debt — that institution would be the conduit for a shift to occur. That could explain why Japan Post has been the battleground of warring political factions for over a decade. The Japanese Postal Savings System dates back to 1875; but in 2001, Japan Post was formed as an independent public corporation, the first step in privatizing it and selling it off to investors. When newly-elected Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi tried to push through the restructuring, however, he met with fierce resistance. In 2004, Koizumi shuffled his Cabinet, appointed reform-minded people as new ministers, and created a new position for Postal Privatization Minister, appointing Heizo Takenaka to the post. In March 2006, Anthony Rowley wrote for Bloomberg: By privatizing Japan Post, [Koizumi] aims to break the stranglehold that politicians and bureaucrats have long exercised over the allocation of financial resources in Japan and to inject fresh competition into the country’s financial services industry. His plan also will create a potentially mouthwatering target for domestic and international investors: Japan Post’s savings bank and insurance arms boast combined assets of more than Â¥380 trillion ($3.2 trillion) . . . A $3 trillion asset pool is mouthwatering indeed. In a 2007 reorganization, the postal savings division was separated from the post office’s other arms, turning Japan Post into a proper bank. According to an October 2007 article in the Economist : The newly created Japan Post Bank will be free to concentrate on banking, and its new status will enable it to diversify into fresh areas of business such as mortgage lending and credit cards. To some degree, this diversification will also be forced upon the new bank. Some of the special treatment afforded to its predecessor will be revoked, obliging Japan Post Bank to invest more adventurously in order to retain depositors–and, ultimately, to attract investors once it lists on the stock market. That was the plan, and Japan Post has been investing more adventurously; but it hasn’t yet given up its government privileges. New Financial Services Minister Shizuka Kamei has put a brake on the privatization process, and the bank’s shares have not been sold. Meanwhile, the consolidated Post Bank has grown to enormous size, passing up Citigroup as the world’s largest financial institution; and it has been branching into new areas , alarming competitors. A March 2007 article in USA Today warned, “The government-nurtured colossus could leverage its size to crush rivals, foreign and domestic.” Before the March 2011 tsunami, that is what it appeared to be doing. But now there is talk of reverting to the neoliberal model, selling off public assets to find the funds to rebuild. Christian Caryl commented in a March 19 article in Foreign Affairs , published by the Council on Foreign Relations: As horrible as it is, the devastation of the earthquake presents Japan and its political class with the chance to push through the many reforms that the DPJ [Democratic Party of Japan] has long promised and the country so desperately needs. In other words, a chance for investors to finally get their hands on Japan’s prized publicly-owned bank, and the massive deposit base that has so far protected the economy from the attacks of foreign financial predators. The Japanese government can afford its enormous debt because the interest it pays is extremely low . For the private economy, public debt is money. A large public debt owed to the Japanese people means Japanese industries have the money to rebuild. But if Japan Post is sold off to private investors, interest rates are liable to rise, plunging the government into the debt trap it has so far largely escaped. The Japanese people are intensely patriotic, however, and they are not likely to submit quietly to domination by foreigners. They generally like their government, because they feel it is serving their interests. Hopefully the Japanese government will have the foresight and the fortitude to hang onto its colossal publicly-owned bank and use it to leverage its people’s savings into the credit needed to rebuild its ravaged infrastructure, avoiding a crippling debt to foreign interests. A longer version of this article was published by Asia Times on March 31, 2011.

Read the full article →

Dave Johnson: What "Free Trade" Has Cost The World

March 21, 2011

If you take a job away from someone who is paid a reasonable wage because they enjoy the protections and prosperity of democratic government, move it across a border, and give it to someone living under a thugocracy, forced to work for pennies with no protections whatsoever, it should be just plain obvious that the worker on our side of the border and the worker on the other side of the border are not going to be better off. And when you do this on a massive scale it just stands to reason that most people on both sides of the border are going to be worse off. But propaganda being what it is we were somehow convinced to try a worldwide experiment in taking good jobs from democracies and turning them into bad jobs in thugocracies. Now, of course, the experiment has run its course and we can see the results. Worker Against Worker Setting worker against worker enabled a few people to get really, really really wealthy and powerful and use that wealth to become even more wealthy and powerful. Our country is in decline, burdened by massive trade deficits because the ones with vested interests in cheap labor won’t let us won’t take on the mercantilists, burdened by budget deficits because those vested interests have bought low taxes and government subsidies, our infrastructure crumbles because multinational business leaders refuse to invest here, with no more need of us as workers, and the resulting hollowed-out middle class can’t consume anymore. Other countries also suffer from similar stresses. Out of this situation a new global elite has emerged, contemptuous of democracy and government and any power but the power of their own money. In country after country, these top few won’t share the proceeds with their own, either, while they keep the world from approaching solutions. In January’s post, Establishment Realizing: When You Close The Factory We Can’t Make A Living , I wrote about how “the establishment,” or as bloggers call it, “The Village” or “Versailles,” are starting to realize that our trade policies just might not be working for us. Of course, they come to this realization only after our trade deficits approach the trillion mark, after we have lost millions of manufacturing jobs, after we have closed tens of thousands of factories, after we have lost the tech manufacturing industry, and after we have abandoned hopes of leading in green manufacturing as well… (We’re still waiting for them to realize that tax cuts do not increase revenue, that spending more on military than all other countries combined might contribute to deficits, that our too-big-to-fail financial sector is capable of causing problems, that the climate really is changing, that allowing corporations to pump money into politics means the end of democracy… but hey, a dollar spent by a vested interest on a politician apparently is a dollar very, very well spent.) In the Washington Post, Steven Pearlstein recently reviewed Dani Rodrik’s “The Globalization Paradox ,” It is dogma among economists and right-thinking members of the political and business elite that globalization is good and more of it is even better. That is why they invariably view anyone who dissents from this orthodoxy as either ignorant of the logic of comparative advantage or selfishly protectionist. But what if it turns out that globalization is more of a boon to the members of the global elite than it is to the average Jose? Right, what if? In “The Globalization Paradox,” Dani Rodrik demonstrates that those questions are more than hypothetical — that they describe the world as it really is rather than as it exists in economic theory or in the imagination of free trade fundamentalists. . . . The starting point of Rodrik’s argument is that open markets succeed only when embedded within social, legal and political institutions that provide them legitimacy by ensuring that the benefits of capitalism are broadly shared. And a unicorn. And a rainbow. The paradox, as Rodrik sees it, is that globalization will work for everyone only if all countries abide by the same set of rules, hammered out and enforced by some form of technocratic global government. The reality is, however, that most countries are unwilling to give up their sovereignty, their distinctive institutions and their freedom to manage their economies in their own best interests. Not China. Not India. Not the members of the European Union, as they are now discovering. Not even the United States. In the real world, argues Rodrik, there is a fundamental incompatibility between hyper-globalization on the one hand, and democracy and national sovereignty on the other. Clyde Prestowitz threw a one-two punch at free trade after Senator John McCain claimed that the iPhone and iPad are Made in America. In Why isn’t the iPhone made in America? at Foreign Policy magazine, Prestowitz wrote, John McCain provided some good laughs and made himself look stupid on a recent ABC news interview by telling Diane Sawyer that the iPhone and iPad are great examples of products that are made in America. They’re not. And given the amount of high technology production in his state, McCain should certainly have known better. The fact that he didn’t does make you wonder about what, if anything, they know in the U.S. Senate. Prestowitz goes on to explain that while the iPhone is manufactured in China, parts, software, design and other components are made all around the world, not necessarily for low wages. He concludes, So if America actually did produce the stuff it says it is good at producing, it wouldn’t have a trade deficit with Asia for which China is the proxy at all. It would have a trade surplus and 20-40,000 more jobs than it has. Prestowitz looks at a smaller picture here of the back-and-forth of trade with the US and China. Design, software and other capital and technology intensive components are not made in China. But the bulk of the jobs are in China. This could work for everyone if people there were paid enough — and allowed by their government — to buy things made here. That would be trade and everyone would be better off. But trade isn’t really the point of “free trade.” Then, in It’s not just the iPhone that America doesn’t make , Prestowitz conitinues, Okay, so yesterday I explained not only that John McCain was wrong to say the iPhone is made in America (as you already knew), but also that most of you were wrong to think it is made in China. I went on to show that the phone is only assembled in China from high-tech parts that are mostly made in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. I further explained that production of these parts is not labor intensive, but capital and technology intensive. In other words, these parts are just the kinds of products American economists, Silicon Valley venture capitalists and entrepreneurs, and Washington political leaders always say America is the best in the world at making. … Then I left you with the question of why, if America is so good at making this stuff, it doesn’t. [. . .] it was believed that unilateral free trade (keeping one’s markets open, even in the face of protectionism by one’s trading partners) was a winning proposition. Thus, there was no need to be concerned about things like subsidization of key foreign industries or loss of capability in these fields, and hence no need for trade measures that might upset delicate geopolitical relationships. This economic doctrine has been based upon the assumption of Anglo/American economics that economies of scale either don’t exist in most traded products and industries or are relatively unimportant. That this assumption is dramatically and demonstrably wrong and not accepted by most of the non-Anglo world has not deterred its application to the making of much American and global trade policy. In other words, it doesn’t work. But we already knew that. We can see it all around us. And it is us who have to live with the results. This post originally appeared at Campaign for America’s Future (CAF) at their Blog for OurFuture . I am a Fellow with CAF. Sign up here for the CAF daily summary .

Read the full article →

Andrei Cherny: Individual Age Economics

March 18, 2011

Candidates for office, it has been said, will show up for the opening of an envelope. This is especially true for those seeking an office like state treasurer. So it was that in early October of last year I found myself waiting for my turn to speak at the Yavapai County Tea Party forum. By then it was clear that as a Democrat campaigning statewide in Arizona in 2010, the effort I was engaged in could be reasonably called an “uphill climb” only if the hill in question was named Everest. Nevertheless, I was hopeful, though not blindly optimistic, that there was a path to victory — one that, at least partially, would run through convincing audiences like this one that, though a Democrat, I was the candidate who was more attuned to their concerns. It didn’t take long for me to realize that this was one avenue that was closed off. Before it was time for my opponent and me to take the stage, I sat listening to the candidates for Congress debate. Like the audience at an old-time Saturday morning cliff-hanger, the crowd cheered the hero Republican and hissed at the villain Democrat. I turned to my campaign staffer and whispered through a tight smile, “Pull the car around when I get up there. We may have to make a run for it.” It was the kind of gallows humor on which campaigns thrive, and despite receiving my own share of jeers while speaking, the people there were as friendly to me personally as they were completely uninterested in voting for me. But something bigger was at play that Saturday evening in Prescott than Tea Party politics and the ruminations of a doomed candidate for an obscure office. The moderator, wearing a ten-gallon hat and sporting a Yosemite Sam mustache, told both congressional candidates that the first question would be about the subject polls had identified as the most pressing public concern: jobs and the economy. The freshman incumbent, a Democratic former state legislator, began her answer by defending her vote for the stimulus package and, over a chorus of boos, asserted that local teachers, firefighters, and police chiefs were thankful that government spending had saved their positions. She went on to tout investment in wind and solar energy as a way to create more local jobs. The Republican nominee, a prominent Flagstaff dentist endorsed in his primary by Sarah Palin, proclaimed, “I’m a simple person. I speak hick.” He offered fulsome praise for hard work and personal responsibility, and the only policy idea he offered was a brief mention of cutting the capital-gains tax. He won on Election Day by six percentage points. With the country battered by the Great Recession, the economic debate in the 2010 elections came down to this: an often halfhearted support of government spending from Democrats; economic nihilism from Republicans. In the teeth of the worst economic calamity in more than a half century, in the aftermath of a lost decade in which most families saw their standard of living drop, in the wake of 30 years of declining real income, in the face of America falling behind in innovation and education, both progressives and conservatives have offered little in the way of new answers as their long-held orthodoxies run headlong into new realities. Over the past decade, both parties have had their moments in which they could, as much as is ever possible in our system, put into action their basic economic philosophies. Both the Bush tax cuts of 2001 and the Obama stimulus of 2009 — the former Lafferism, the latter Keynesianism — attempted to drive economic growth by injecting more money into the economy. But at a time when the economy is global, capital is mobile, and a few extra dollars in a family’s bank account can go to purchase Chinese-made TVs and sippy cups at Wal-Mart, such efforts have far less impact than they once did. In the meantime, in an era of staggering deficits and debt, government by hot check — whether through tax cuts or spending — exacts its own price on the nation’s economic stability. Thus America has responded to the enormous challenges the economy faces in the short-term and long-term alike with a complete failure of vision and verve. Each side frets endlessly about its own version of a nightmarish future ahead — and then fails to do much of anything about it. For conservatives, the coming apocalypse looks like modern Greece — an economy overwhelmed by entitlement spending and the demands of rapacious public-employee unions for ever-larger pension benefits. For progressives, the fear is we’re becoming ancient Rome — a society riven by inequality, where wealth is concentrated in the hands of a tiny, insular aristocracy that buys off the masses with bread and circuses. So how was it, then, that in December of 2010, both parties came together around a package of tax cuts and benefits that added some $900 billion to the deficit over the next five years while preserving lower tax rates for the richest 2 percent of the nation? Hamiltonian Means to Jeffersonian Ends While much of the news coverage of the deal was filtered through the prism of Washington’s concerns — partisan advantage, political hypocrisy, electoral positioning — it was an ultimately revealing exercise about the state of our economic ideas. Every Republican in the Senate voted to oppose Senator Chuck Schumer’s attempt to let only the tax cuts for millionaires expire. Many liberal commentators saw the defense of lower taxes for the top .03 percent as a sop to Republican campaign contributors, but something more honest and fundamental was at play. Conservatives sincerely believed that these 315,000 Americans are the “job creators” — the men and women who take the risks, build the businesses, hire the workers, and drive our economy. There is, of course, truth in that point of view. But there is another tradition that views the American economy as being driven not from the top down, but from the bottom up. It says that our economy grows not because of those who have made it, but because of those who are on the make — the innovators, the strivers, the entrepreneurs, the shop owners who get there early and stay late, the working men and women whose honest labor builds the skyscrapers in whose penthouses the magnates sleep. These two points of view can be traced back — mostly neatly, sometimes not — to the country’s founding, and the intellectual and political duel between Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson. Hamilton believed in providing capital and resources to an educated elite whose growing power would lift the new republic’s economy. He began America’s first industrial conglomerate and thought that businesses required government’s “interference and aid” through special subsidies and great infrastructure projects that would facilitate growth. Jefferson had a different perspective. As the great twentieth-century historian Samuel Eliot Morison wrote in 1965, “Hamilton wished to concentrate power; Jefferson to diffuse power.” In 1776, he proposed giving every white adult male in Virginia 50 acres of land if they did not already own that much — an essentially egalitarian move to distribute opportunity in that agrarian society. Three decades later, having made the continental-scale purchase of the Louisiana Territory, he suggested 164-acre tracts be carved out and sold at $1.64 an acre and proposed a network of colleges to be built on grants donated by the federal government — visionary proposals that would finally overcome conservative opposition to see fruition in the form of the Homestead Act and the Morrill Land-Grant Colleges Act, both passed in the spring of 1862. Jefferson’s ideas carried the day because they fit the times. In 1800, 75 percent of the free workforce were independent farmers, and most of the rest were independent shopkeepers. Only 12 percent had what might be called a “boss.” The word was not even commonly used until the 1830s. But with the rise of steam and steel, America began to creep toward industrialization and its larger, more complex economic organizations. By 1860, 40 percent of Americans worked for someone else and the economic discussion began to change. That same spring of 1862, as Americans reeled in shock from the carnage of Shiloh, Congress also passed the Pacific Railroad Act. The financing of the transcontinental railroad by the federal government was a wholly Hamiltonian policy featuring massive subsidies to corporations that made Midases of Leland Stanford, Collis Huntington, and other railway barons in the name of building a critical piece of a growing nation’s infrastructure. As the railroads helped accelerate change, America’s economic center of gravity moved from farms to factories, and the agrarian philosophy of Jefferson yielded to an assembly-line reality that was more suited to Hamilton’s philosophy. By 1920, fully 87 percent of all wage earners were not only working for someone else but for a corporation. Days spent in hierarchical, regimented workplaces shaped Americans’ thinking and expectations when it came to economic policy just as surely as did life on autonomous farms a century earlier. Workers grew accustomed to following precise orders from their superiors and relying on large, impersonal institutions to provide for them and guide them. And a rising, Industrial Age America needed large-scale economic efforts to drive growth and a bureaucratic infrastructure to ensure that this prosperity was distributed. From this cauldron, twentieth-century economic liberalism was forged. From the welfare-state programs of the New Deal and Great Society to the infrastructure investments of the Tennessee Valley Authority and interstate highway system, the policies at the heart of the Industrial Age economy were essentially paternalistic in their nature. In the phrase of Herbert Croly, whose ideas came to define twentieth-century American government, the approach was Hamiltonian means to Jeffersonian ends — strong, centralized, top-down government working to provide sustenance to all. But as the twentieth century came to a close, the Industrial Age ended as well. Where most employees once worked in enormous enterprises that relied on rote tasks — from the autoworkers on the assembly lines to the garment workers sitting behind sewing machines — today’s Americans are more likely to work in service jobs that require them to interact with other people. Most Americans work with a computer and the Internet. They process data and solve problems. The Internet has given them a plethora of personal options and decision-making power on everything from travel arrangements to personal banking. Some have termed this the Information Age, but that fails to capture the defining feature of the modern economy. If the primary element of the old economy was the industrial unit, today the Industrial Age is giving way to the Individual Age, where it is the skills, talents, and labors of people that matter most. Now our economic policies have to start catching up. Jeffersonian Means to Hamiltonian Ends It could be said that the Agrarian Age ended on a sweltering July night in 1893 when an unknown University of Wisconsin professor named Frederick Jackson Turner read his paper on the closing of the American frontier to an assembly of scholars gathered at the Chicago Columbian Exposition. So too it might one day be said that the Individual Age kicked off in a small ballroom at a Sheraton in Denver on a snowy Sunday morning in January 2011 when a government economist named Ying Lowrey presented a paper entitled “Estimating Entrepreneurial Jobs” to a convention of her peers. What Lowrey presented was a window into a new economic approach. For at least 30 years, it’s been known that small businesses drive job creation. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, small businesses employ half of all workers and create 65 percent of new jobs. The Kauffman Foundation has reported that from 1980 to 2005, firms less than five years old accounted for all net job growth in the country. But, according to Lowrey, these impressive facts still fail to capture the full story. She posited that the traditional ways to look at the statistics radically undercount the role of entrepreneurs in the twenty-first century. While the jobs they create for others are counted, the jobs they create for themselves — often while their firms are unincorporated — are usually not. According to Lowrey, a total of 48 million new jobs had been created by startup firms between 1997 and 2008. The remarkable part was that while 17 million of those jobs were positions that entrepreneurs were creating for others, 31 million were jobs entrepreneurs had created for themselves. Lowrey put it starkly: “Business creation is job creation.” The implications are profound and far-reaching. It means that the “job creators” that conservatives seek to focus on are largely not the people they have been talking about. Today’s job creators are less likely to be the tycoons throwing up factories than a laid-off worker firing up his laptop in a Starbucks. The differences between the economy of the nineteenth century and that of the twenty-first are too many to list, but today, as in Jefferson’s time of independent farmers and shopkeepers, it is individuals, not large conglomerations, that propel the economy. The number of Americans working for themselves is growing rapidly and most Americans no longer work full-time for someone else. Yet it is not just the self-employed or entrepreneurs who are part of this new world. Every worker is grappling with the Individual Age. Lifetime employment with a single company is largely a thing of the past and the dependable health, retirement, and training benefits such a relationship held are fast disappearing. Americans born between 1957 and 1964 held an average of 11 jobs between the ages of 18 and 44. That trend is accelerating and is much more pronounced among those born in later decades. Untethered from large institutions, bouncing from one job to the next, today each individual is ultimately responsible for guiding their own career and economic future. Today, everyone is an entrepreneur; everyone is their own small business. Yet, in this Jeffersonian moment, Americans are largely being offered two Hamiltonian approaches from their political leaders, with both progressives and conservatives promoting a top-down view of economic prosperity. Beyond the rejectionism of the Tea Party, mainstream conservatives still see economic policy solely through the prism of providing more capital to the privileged captains of industry who can then make the best choices on how those funds should be used. Most progressives, along with so-called “national greatness” conservatives, have their own Hamiltonian vision of our economic future — one of high-speed trains racing across the plains, deserts filling up with solar arrays and prairies sprouting wind turbines, government-sponsored research into new technologies and cures, cities tied together with networks of broadband and repaired bridges. While the top-down tax cuts are of limited long-term economic value, the top-down infrastructure initiatives are crucial to our future but incomplete as an economic program. Moreover, they ring hollow to Americans who are less concerned with the rise of China than with their own personal ability to get ahead in today’s economy. While making America more globally competitive is vital, the gaping hole in our economic discussion is an agenda for making Americans more personally competitive. Today, instead of Hamiltonian means to Jeffersonian ends, we need the reverse: Jeffersonian means to Hamiltonian ends — strengthening the hand of the individual and breaking up concentrated power in both government and corporate bureaucracies in order to unleash national prosperity and economic growth. What would an Individual Age economic policy look like? It would start by refashioning the Department of Labor into a “Small Business Administration for individuals,” with help and training for workers in navigating their careers, assistance for entrepreneurs, lifelong learning loans, and wage insurance plans. Unemployment benefits should be modernized from a safety net into a trampoline so that they not only cushion the blow for millions of laid-off workers but help them find better jobs and create new ones. Health-care and retirement benefits should be made more personalized, portable, affordable, and universal, as envisioned by Oregon Senator Ron Wyden and others. Fundamental immigration reform should open the doors of America to the most highly skilled and hardest-working people of every country in the world. New initiatives should be taken to help Americans build assets from birth so that they can use them to start new businesses and create personal wealth. The Obama Administration’s smart Startup America public-private partnership should be taken to scale so that new businesses can be started with the kind of urgency and resources the federal government used to bail out failed dinosaur corporations. The public education system needs to be radically reformed and a college education made as universal as Industrial Age reformers made high school a century ago. These ideas have been discussed previously in isolation, but as a whole this people-focused economic approach is not on Washington’s radar screen. If we are going to reclaim the promise of broad-based growth, it needs to be. An economy battered by recession will start to stir again in the coming months and years, but it is not enough to seek to restore the economy as it was before the flood. We need more than a return to the status quo of a lost decade and a generation of diminished expectations, when flipping houses and shorting stocks took the place of innovation and effort, two-income couples maxed out their credit cards and took out second mortgages just so their families could tread water, and the nation piled enormous deficits on top of already monster debts with nothing to show for it. The task ahead in the Individual Age is to create a Horatio Alger economy, a drive to rebuild the possibility of upward mobility that is at the heart of the American experience. For today’s middle-class Americans, life is a game of “Chutes and Ladders” with more chutes than ladders. While individuals have been thrown back upon themselves, both progressives and conservatives have acted as if the economy still functions from the top down. If America is to recapture the economic growth that was Hamilton’s concern and the broad equality of opportunity that was Jefferson’s dream, our mission must be to forge a new economics for the Individual Age that rethinks our economy from the bottom up. Andrei Cherny is president of Democracy: A Journal of Ideas where this piece first appeared.

Read the full article →

Dave Johnson: Crappy Jobs Caused by Plutocracy and Austerity

February 28, 2011

There are good jobs and there are crappy jobs. There are burger-flipping jobs and there are skilled trades and professions. There are jobs that pay well and have benefits and jobs that don’t. There is even the job you had, now paying less, with no benefits. Much of the post-recession job growth is at low end. Many “better” jobs not at the low end pay less and offer fewer benefits than they used to. So the middle class continues to fall. The “economic divide” — the gap between the top few percent and the rest of us — continues to accelerate, pushed by the recent continuation of tax cuts for the wealthy, stock bubble-pumping from the Fed, and ongoing attacks on labor. And now, in particular by “austerity” budgets in the states and the pullback of stimulus and other programs from the federal government. If you are desperate you’ll take any job, and the “austerity” idea — cutting taxes for the rich and using the resulting deficits to force cuts in unemployment, services, things government does for We, the People — forces people to be desperate enough to do just that. At the same time, it is cutting the number of jobs and the possibility that the economy will ever create more. Why Crappy Jobs? Plutocracy and Austerity Why isn’t the economy rebounding and producing lots of good jobs? The answer has two parts: plutocracy and austerity. Plutocracy forces the money and power to the top, and that power forces austerity measures on us to remove even more money and power from the rest. Plutocracy : Fundamental changes brought in by the Reagan Revolution have come home to roost , shifting almost all of our economy’s income growth to a few at the top, while pitting working people around the world against each other. The forced decline of labor unions has left people on their own against giant corporations. This video shows what it is like to negotiate on your own, up against companies with billions in resources: Austerity : The second part of the crappy-jobs, slow-growth equation is austerity. Tax cuts for the wealthy have resulted in huge budget deficits, defunding government’s power to protect regular people. The plutocracy uses these deficits as an excuse to force budget cuts, “spending down” our infrastructure by deferring maintenance and modernization, cutting back on education, cutting back on basic scientific research and cutting back in many other areas thereby reducing our economic competitiveness. But they’re doing fine today, so they don’t care about how this hurts the rest of us tomorrow. Austerity cuts back economic growth. This week a Goldman Sachs report says that the proposed budget cuts passed by the House shave a couple percent off of economic growth. A Goldman Sachs economist has warned that the $60 billion package of spending cuts proposed by the Republicans to counter President Obama’s proposal could slow economic growth. The cutbacks will also hurt employment. Center for American Progress this week, in Cuts In House GOP’s Continuing Resolution Could Drive The Unemployment Rate Up One Full Point , Earlier this month, the Economic Policy Institute released a report finding that the $100 billion in discretionary spending cuts that the House GOP passed last weekend would result in the loss of nearly one million jobs. “Cuts of this magnitude will undermine gross domestic product performance at a time when the economy is seeing anemic post-recession growth,” wrote EPI’s Rebecca Theiss. Another report this week shows how state and local cuts are also shaving growth. And who can be surprised by that? When you lay off thousands of teachers and other government workers, this causes a ripple effect to grocery, clothing and other stores. It causes even more foreclosures. AP: State spending cuts slow US economic growth in Q4 , The government’s new estimate for the October-December quarter illustrates how growing state budget crises could hold back the economic recovery. The Commerce Department reported Friday that economic growth increased at an annual rate of 2.8 percent in the final quarter of last year. That was down from the initial estimate of 3.2 percent. . . . State and local governments, wrestling with budget shortfalls, cut spending at a 2.4 percent pace. That was much deeper than the 0.9 percent annualized cut first estimated and was the most since the start of 2010. The Effect On People This “austerity” craze — cutting taxes for the rich to force cuts in the things government does for We, the People — is threatening to destroy even the small amount of job creation we are getting. And what is the human effect? A report from the Coalition on Human Needs titled A Better Budget for All: Saving Our Economy and Helping Those in Need shows that millions of Americans would suffer from the proposed budget cuts: At a time when 14 million people are out of work, the House approach to the federal budget fails those who are struggling most, according to a new report by the Coalition on Human Needs for the SAVE for All campaign. The report draws a sharp contrast between the president’s budget for next fiscal year and the House plan for the remainder of this year, although it also notes serious concerns with elements of the president’s budget. It shows how the proposed budget cuts would both harm individuals and damage the country’s fragile economic recovery. The House plan includes the largest cuts, on an annualized basis, in domestic appropriations funding in history. An Expanding Economy Fixes This Cutbacks shrink the economy. And expanding economy provides good jobs with good pay and benefits and fixes budget deficits. We want an expanding economy for We, the People, not tax cuts for the rich and cutbacks on the things government does for We, the People. Tax cuts and austerity provide an opportunity for a few to cash out and take off, but does not provide for the rest of us . March 10 Summit on Jobs and America’s Future On March 10, 2011, the Summit on Jobs and America’s Future will bring together leaders and activists who understand that America faces a jobs crisis — and who are committed to building a political movement for sustainable economic growth, dynamic job creation, and a revival of the American economy. Free. $15 with lunch. Register here. This post originally appeared at Campaign for America’s Future (CAF) at their Blog for OurFuture . I am a Fellow with CAF. Sign up here for the CAF daily summary .

Read the full article →

Rob Johnson: Who Is Influencing Obama’s Budget Proposal? Follow the Funders

February 15, 2011

Cross-posted from New Deal 2.0 . President Obama is a smart man. When Gallup surveys suggest that unemployment is around 10 percent — and that unemployment plus underemployment is 19 percent of the workforce — then it’s clear that the best way to raise revenues and close the deficit is to put people back to work. President Obama surely knows this. But his actions don’t seem to follow this obvious logic. Why is that? Part of the reason lies in a group of people who pour money into our political system but don’t necessarily want the same things that ordinary Americans want. In fact, these people benefit from municipal crises, breaking teachers unions, and increasing the fear of the workforce. They fall disproportionately into the group that Harvard professor Lawrence Lessig identified as “the funders” in his recent TedX Talk in San Antonio, Texas. The increasing power of this group produces political contortions by buying results in Congress that do nothing for regular folks. Their influence also steers President Obama to focus on his reelection rather than trying to change the climate of opinion and become America’s Great Persuader. The public has now heard the conservative mantra that government is the problem and not the solution for 40 years. Couple that with the experience of valid rage following the bank bailouts, and it’s not surprising that the public overwhelmingly feels that the government has become an instrument of the wealthy and powerful. Strong leadership is needed to challenge this narrative. But the President seems content to conform to the prevailing suspicion of government. He fails to convince the public that the government can have an active response to the jobs crisis that benefits them. And that suits many funders in the top 3 percent of the wealth distribution just fine. With profits so high and so many slack resources, it is sad that President Obama continues on the path of “triangulation” and chooses to “pre-concede” so much to the Republicans. In electoral terms, the breaking of all of the unions at the state and local level will serve to benefit the Republican party in many regions and exacerbate inequality. It is surprising the the President does not resist this for the benefit of his own party’s future. But Presidents often fly solo rather than represent their party when reelection looms — especially in a post- Citizens United world that will be influenced by unprecedented rivers of money. Looking forward, we can see that our infrastructure is worn out in many, many places. We can also see that a dearth of public goods, education, basic science and infrastructure portend a weakening of the living standard of our nation. President Obama seemed to acknowledge this in his State of the Union address vision. But his budget strategy does not. The current budgets, both Democrat and Republican, appear to be imposing cuts on the lower middle class and poor. We are, as Paul Krugman said in The New York Times on Monday , are eating our future. Unfortunately, the proposed budget appears more likely to contribute to the ongoing widening of wealth and income inequality. And it seems more likely to increase, rather than reduce, the idle resources in our society. This budget logic makes little sense, and the human costs are dreadful. Only the logic of power sheds light on our path of dysfunction in the USA. Andrew Mellon must be smiling.

Read the full article →

White House Acknowledges ‘Real Impact’ Of Cuts To Energy Assistance Funding

February 14, 2011

WASHINGTON — The Obama administration acknowledged on Monday that its proposal to slash funding for heating assistance to the poor would, in fact, hurt the poor. “This is a very hard cut,” White House budget director Jacob Lew said during a press conference. “This is a cut that has real impact.” The White House’s proposed budget for fiscal year 2012 halves funding for the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program, reducing its allocation to $2.5 billion from just over $5 billion. LIHEAP doles out money to states, which then hand it over to local relief agencies, which review personal financial data to ensure that applicants for the assistance really need it. Eligible applicants have the money credited to their accounts with the local utility company. Roughly 8.3 million people used the program last year. Its target population is the elderly and the disabled. The National Energy Assistance Directors’ Association, a group that represents state aid officials in Washington, estimated that the reduction would amount to 3.1 million households going without assistance on heating and cooling costs (not 3.5 million, per a previous estimate). “I thought the administration would draw a circle around the social safety net for low income families. I thought we were part of that safety net,” NEADA director Mark Wolfe said. “These are families who, without LIHEAP, will fall behind on their bills or cut back on basic essentials because they don’t have any discretionary income.” Nearly two-dozen people who use the program told HuffPost in emails and phone interviews what LIHEAP has meant for them in recent years, and what they thought of Obama’s decision to sacrifice its funding to appease deficit hawks. “Obama was supposed to have this image that he was for the everyday person,” said Karrin Herring, a resident of Beaver County, Pa., who said she received $300 from LIHEAP in the fall to pay her heating bill. “It helped me out and I was glad to get it, too.” Herring, a 56-year-old middle school registrar, is disabled with avascular necrosis in her knees. She said she’s still in the president’s corner, despite her frustration over LIHEAP. “For him to go straight to a program like this, especially when there are so many unemployed people out here now, a lot of times through no fault of their own, and more people needing the LIHEAP, I just couldn’t understand why he would even think about this program in particular. They can find someplace else to cut some money if they really wanted to.” Christie Graber of Council Bluffs, Iowa, said she just recently qualified for $350 in assistance for her heating bill after applying for LIHEAP for the first time. Graber, a 60-year-old former event planner, said she gets by on $1,035 monthly Social Security disability checks. “I think he can cut other places,” she said of the president’s proposal to cut LIHEAP. “I’m very disappointed. I campaigned for him. I believed in him. I was thrilled. I had tears in my eyes watching the election results come in … I don’t think he should cut help to the poor.” Michele Tracey of Sun City, Calif., said LIHEAP has paid her electric bill for four or five months during the summer for the past three years. “There’s a lot of people more hurting than us, but that program is one of the really helpful programs. California’s not a real cheap state to live,” said Tracey, 50. She said she and her husband, who is 62, support their family-of-four with his Social Security disability payments supplemented with money she makes as an occasional substitute teacher. “It really helps,” she said. “If it goes, I’ll sure miss it.” Lew defended the decision to cut LIHEAP funding, citing declining energy prices. “Going back to 2008, the program was funded at roughly $2.5 billion,” Lew said. “We had a huge spike in energy prices, and the program doubled to $5 billion. We’re now at a price level that’s close to where we were before that increase. looking at our fiscal challenges, we can’t straight line the program at $5 billion. We went back to the level it was at when prices were roughly the same.” It’s true that energy prices have declined, but as has been pointed out by opponents of the cuts, the economy is in worse shape than when the funding was increased in 2008. “It’s done an enormous amount of good for a lot of people,” Lew said. “It was meant to be a grant program that the states administered. Balancing our fiscal challenges and the funding change from 2008 until now, we made the tough decision. We said in the documents and the budget that we will keep our eyes on what prices go and what the need of the future is, but we can’t cruise at a historic high spending level when we’re trying to make these very difficult savings. In terms of investing in the future, we’ve been very clear that we need to create more opportunities to invest in education, in innovation, and in billing the infrastructure for the future, so we’ve had tough tradeoffs.” The administration’s proposal is not about to skid through Congress. A bipartisan bloc of 32 senators has already insisted that the White House back off the program.

Read the full article →

Jacob Lew: The 2012 Budget

February 14, 2011

Today, the President sent to Congress his budget for the 2012 fiscal year. This document is built around the simple idea that we have to live within our means so we can invest in the future. Only by making tough choices to both cut spending and deficits and invest in what we need to win the future can we out-educate, out-build, and out-innovate the rest of the world. This is the seventh Budget that I have worked on at OMB, and it may be the most difficult. It includes more than $1 trillion in deficit reduction – two-thirds from spending cuts — and puts the nation on a path toward fiscal sustainability so that by the middle of the decade, the government will no longer be adding to our national debt as a share of the economy and will be paying for what it spends – and will be able to sustain that for many years afterwards. The President has called this budget a down payment because we will still have work to do to pay down the debt and address our long-term challenges. But it is a necessary and critical step for we cannot start to move toward balance and to cutting into the size of our debt until we first stop adding to it – and that is what this Budget does. It lays out a strategy for significant deficit reduction – the most deficit reduction in a comparable period since the end of World War II – that will bring our deficit down to about 3 percent of the economy by the middle of the decade and maintain it there for the rest of the budget window. Changing the trajectory of our fiscal path is a significant accomplishment, but to do this, it will take some tough choices. Let me highlight a few of them: The Budget includes a five-year non-security discretionary spending freeze that will reduce the deficit by over $400 billion over the next decade and bring this spending to the lowest level since President Eisenhower sat in the Oval Office. To achieve savings of this magnitude it is not enough to cut programs that are outdated, ineffective, or duplicative – though that is where we need to start. It is also necessary to make cuts in places that, absent the fiscal situation, we would not reduce – such as energy assistance and community development grants for cities and counties. In national security, which we are not freezing, we also are making real cuts. Defense spending has been growing faster than inflation for more than a decade, and we can no longer afford to stay on that path. The Budget cuts $78 billion from the Pentagon’s spending plan over the next five years, bringing defense spending down to zero real growth. It cuts weapons programs that Secretary Gates and the military leadership say we do not need and which we cannot afford. We are also capturing the savings that come from bringing our troops home from Iraq, which when added in brings defense spending down by more than 5 percent from the President’s FY 2011 request. Of course, cutting discretionary spending alone will not solve our fiscal problems. This Budget also deals with mandatory spending and revenue and takes significant steps to address our long-term fiscal challenges. For example, this budget shows how we can pay for solutions to two problems that we have been too willing to kick down the road by putting on the national credit card: preventing a nearly 30 percent cut in reimbursements to doctors in Medicare to keep doctors in the system treating patients; and preventing an increase in taxes on middle-class families through the Alternative Minimum Tax or AMT. In December, there was a bipartisan agreement to pay for a one-year extension of the so-called “doc fix” – which was not required by budget rules but was the right thing to do. Building on that, our budget identifies $62 billion of specific health savings to pay for the next two years of this fix – establishing a clear pattern that, consistent with our budget, this needs to be paid for in the future. With regard to the AMT, we pay for three years of a patch by limiting the amount those in the highest tax bracket can receive for their itemized tax deductions. By bringing the rate back to where it was in the Reagan Administration, this is the biggest reduction in revenue-side spending in 25 years. This proposal is consistent with the Fiscal Commission’s recommendation that we start to cut back on spending in the tax code, and if we continue on this path of paying for the AMT patch, after 2014, it will reduce the deficit by 1 percent of GDP by the end of the decade. These both are down payments on long-term reform to reduce the deficit further, and the Administration looks forward to working with Congress to permanently covering these costs once and for all. Similarly, as the President said in the State of the Union address, we are eager to work with the Congress on deficit-neutral, corporate tax reform that will simplify the system, eliminate special interest loopholes, level the playing field, and lower the corporate tax rate for the first time in 25 years. And while it does not contribute to our deficits in the short- or medium-term, the President has laid out his principles to strengthen Social Security and has called on Congress to work on a bipartisan fashion to keep this compact with future generations. As we take these steps to live within our means, we also invest in the areas critical to future economic growth and jobs creation: education, innovation, clean energy, and infrastructure. And even in these areas, the budget cuts programs in order to fund high-priority investments. For instance, in education we maintain the increased maximum Pell Grant level that we instituted, helping 9 million students afford college. We pay for it with $100 billion in savings, primarily from eliminating summer school Pell awards and the graduate student in-school loan subsidy. In the area of innovation, we support simplifying, expanding, and making permanent the R&D tax credit, $148 billion in R&D investments — including a robust $32 billion for NIH — and meeting visionary goals to bring about a new clean energy economy. To help pay for these investments, lower priority programs are cut, and we eliminate 12 tax breaks to oil, gas, and coal companies that will raise $46 billion over 10 years. And to build the infrastructure we need to compete, the Budget increases our annual investment by $35 billion a year, which is a 60 percent increase over the last surface transportation reauthorization bill. Not only does this plan consolidate 60 duplicative, often earmarked programs into five and demands more competition for funds, but we insist that this bill be paid for — and we look forward to working in a bipartisan manner to do that. In my last tour of duty here in the 1990s, we made the tough, bipartisan decisions needed to bring our budget into surplus. Once again, it will take tough choices to put us on a sustainable fiscal path. But we should not settle for shortcuts. We need to be true to our values and make the right investments to win the future. As we make these choices, it is critical that we do not cut areas that are essential to helping our economy grow and making a difference for families and businesses. After all, a growing economy where more Americans are working is the best way to reduce our deficits and debt. It is the wind we need at our backs for this already difficult journey. Another clear lesson in working in the Congress and here at OMB is that cutting spending and cutting our deficits requires us to put political differences aside and work together. It takes putting the country ahead of party, and the next generation ahead of the next election. Along with the entire Administration, I standready to do that and look forward to working with both sides on Capitol Hill to crafting a set of policies that enable us to live within our means and invest in the future.

Read the full article →

Dave Johnson: Jobs Crisis in Real World… Just Not in D.C.

February 3, 2011

Who is our economy for? Who is our government for? undergoing a transition from “We, the People” democratic government to a plutocracy run by and for the wealthy. One indicator of this transition is the way the D.C. Elite respond to unemployment. 9-10% unemployment used to be a national emergency. Now it’s a yawn. What The Washington Paper Says The Washington Post has a front-page story, ” Why does Fresno have thousands of job openings — and high unemployment? ” that says the problem is really “structural,” a skills gap, and there is little we can do. This is significant because so many people who make policy read the Washington Post while sitting in their nice, expensive restaurants. Stories like this risk that they will think that there really are plenty of jobs out there, but the serfs just aren’t up to taking them, or are too spoiled, but in any event there is no problem that needs solving, and call the lobbyist because this month’s check is late. Meanwhile, anyone in the real world outside of Washington or Wall Street reading about “thousands” of job openings going unfilled immediately knows something is fishy. In fact, if this story ran on the front page outside of DC or Wall Street we might even need to worry about Egypt-style riots. Anyone on the same side of the continent as Fresno knows that there are not “thousands’ of unfilled job openings. There might be thousands of foreclosures, or thousands of people in food lines, or thousands of people whose unemployment has run out but there are not thousands of unfilled job openings. What The Local Paper Says The Fresno Bee has a different story to tell, ” EDITORIAL: President should come see impact of joblessness in Valley “: The economy may be improving, but it would be difficult to persuade the thousands of out-of-work Valley residents that things are looking up. The six Valley communities cited in a U.S. Labor Department report have unemployment rates that run from 16.4% in Hanford-Corcoran to 18.6% in Merced. The other Valley cities on the list are Fresno (16.9%), Visalia-Porterville (16.8%), Modesto (17.2%) and Stockton (17.5%). . . . The nation’s economic recovery will not be complete until Americans go back to work. At every level of government, the goal should be to implement policies that improve consumer confidence and encourage businesses to hire workers. The Fresno Want Ads The Fresno Bee help-wanted ads tell the story. There are 963 “Sales” jobs listed, but the first 519 of those are at the same “company,” called “Work At Home Jobs, Inc.” and are mostly the same “job,” if you can call it that. The next 136 are a different “company” and the “jobs” are calling people from home to sell them wireless cell service — on commission. The next 52 are the same deal but a different “company,” selling internet from home, on commission. The next 46, same story. Etc. The next category after Sales is “Business development”, with 691 jobs, 466 are “work at home” and many of the rest are the same jobs at the same companies as the “sales” jobs. The next two categories are “General Business” and “Other” and, again, list the same “jobs” at the same “companies.” The next category is “Business Opportunity.” I challenge you to guess what “companies” and “jobs” are listed. (Hint: it’s the same ones again.) Supply And Demand Among the few specifics in the story is the example of “Jain Irrigation, which cannot find all the workers it wants for $15-an-hour jobs running expensive machinery that spins out precision irrigation tubing at 600 feet a minute, 24 hours a day, seven days a week.” $15-an-hour is just above the poverty level for a family of four, at about 130%. Dean Baker, writing in ” The Problem of Structrual Unemployment: Really Incompetent Managers ,” makes the point that a company complaining they can’t find skilled workers at $15 an hour needs to think about raising their offer. Baker writes, It presents comments from one employer who complains that he can’t find workers for jobs that pay $15 an hour. This is not a very good wage. It would be difficult for someone to support themselves and their children on a job paying $15 an hour ($30,000 a year). If the company president understand economics, then he would raise wages enough so that the jobs were attractive to workers who have the necessary skills. If they can’t get workers, they should know that they need to bump up the wage offered until they can. That is about as basic as it gets in the supply/demand equation. Can’t Sell The House And Move Part of this problem is the housing market. If Fresno really doesn’t have the skilled workers businesses need, Silicon Valley and Las Vegas certainly do, and have very high unemployment rates, but the people there can’t sell their houses and move! And even if they could sell they are “underwater,” will come out of the sale owing a ton of money that they can’t make up by taking a $15-per-hour job! Externalizing Training Costs Companies expect workers to already be trained, “externalizing” one more cost onto local communities, while shopping for the lowest tax areas to locate. California has a budget crisis and is cutting back on funding for the community colleges and other programs where people are trained for jobs. One reason for the budget crisis is businesses demanding ever-lower taxes, or playing communities and states against each other for tax incentives to relocate, using property tax avoidance schemes and so many other ways to get out of paying something back to the public for the public investment that enabled them to prosper . The Real Problem Out here in the real world the real problem is not “structural,” it is that there just are not enough jobs , they don’t pay enough, “free trade” deals have lowered wages and undermined our manufacturing base, there is not enough demand in the economy and the government is not doing its job of picking up the slack and after 30 years of tax-cutting the infrastructure is crumbling and not supporting competitiveness for our businesses. There are millions of unemployed and millions of infrastructure jobs that need doing. There is a new green energy and manufacturing revolution going on in the world and we do not have an economic/industrial policy to capture our share. There is problem after problem that is not being addressed by a government captured by interests. DC Avoids Dealing With The Problem It seems that the DC Elite will do anything to avoid just seeing what is in front of their faces. Clearly we have lost jobs from trade deals, Wall Street financialization and domination, lack of investment in infrastructure and education, etc. But the DC Elite come up with a thousand reasons not to fix these because the interests that benefit from those deals have influence over them. Our budget deficit is obviously from tax cuts and military spending — but you will never, ever, ever, ever hear that. Instead we hear job-killing “austerity” solutions that avoid asking the wealthy few to pitch in. On one issue after another, the DC Elite provide cover for the wealthy elite interests who now control DC. The transition from We, the People democracy to a plutocracy of, by and for the wealthy few is nearly complete. The real problem is not a breakdown of the structure of the job market and is not a mismatch between the jobs and the skills, it is a lack of jobs because of lack of demand, and a mismatch between who our government and economy are supposed to work for, and the interests that have brought this about. March 10 Summit on Jobs and America’s Future On March 10, 2011, the Summit on Jobs and America’s Future will bring together leaders and activists who understand that America faces a jobs crisis — and who are committed to building a political movement for sustainable economic growth, dynamic job creation, and a revival of the American economy. It’s free, $15 if you want lunch . Beat that. This post originally appeared at Campaign for America’s Future (CAF) at their Blog for OurFuture . I am a Fellow with CAF. Sign up here for the CAF daily summary .

Read the full article →

Dave Johnson: Jobs Crisis in Real World… Just Not in D.C.

February 3, 2011

Who is our economy for? Who is our government for? undergoing a transition from “We, the People” democratic government to a plutocracy run by and for the wealthy. One indicator of this transition is the way the D.C. Elite respond to unemployment. 9-10% unemployment used to be a national emergency. Now it’s a yawn. What The Washington Paper Says The Washington Post has a front-page story, ” Why does Fresno have thousands of job openings — and high unemployment? ” that says the problem is really “structural,” a skills gap, and there is little we can do. This is significant because so many people who make policy read the Washington Post while sitting in their nice, expensive restaurants. Stories like this risk that they will think that there really are plenty of jobs out there, but the serfs just aren’t up to taking them, or are too spoiled, but in any event there is no problem that needs solving, and call the lobbyist because this month’s check is late. Meanwhile, anyone in the real world outside of Washington or Wall Street reading about “thousands” of job openings going unfilled immediately knows something is fishy. In fact, if this story ran on the front page outside of DC or Wall Street we might even need to worry about Egypt-style riots. Anyone on the same side of the continent as Fresno knows that there are not “thousands’ of unfilled job openings. There might be thousands of foreclosures, or thousands of people in food lines, or thousands of people whose unemployment has run out but there are not thousands of unfilled job openings. What The Local Paper Says The Fresno Bee has a different story to tell, ” EDITORIAL: President should come see impact of joblessness in Valley “: The economy may be improving, but it would be difficult to persuade the thousands of out-of-work Valley residents that things are looking up. The six Valley communities cited in a U.S. Labor Department report have unemployment rates that run from 16.4% in Hanford-Corcoran to 18.6% in Merced. The other Valley cities on the list are Fresno (16.9%), Visalia-Porterville (16.8%), Modesto (17.2%) and Stockton (17.5%). . . . The nation’s economic recovery will not be complete until Americans go back to work. At every level of government, the goal should be to implement policies that improve consumer confidence and encourage businesses to hire workers. The Fresno Want Ads The Fresno Bee help-wanted ads tell the story. There are 963 “Sales” jobs listed, but the first 519 of those are at the same “company,” called “Work At Home Jobs, Inc.” and are mostly the same “job,” if you can call it that. The next 136 are a different “company” and the “jobs” are calling people from home to sell them wireless cell service — on commission. The next 52 are the same deal but a different “company,” selling internet from home, on commission. The next 46, same story. Etc. The next category after Sales is “Business development”, with 691 jobs, 466 are “work at home” and many of the rest are the same jobs at the same companies as the “sales” jobs. The next two categories are “General Business” and “Other” and, again, list the same “jobs” at the same “companies.” The next category is “Business Opportunity.” I challenge you to guess what “companies” and “jobs” are listed. (Hint: it’s the same ones again.) Supply And Demand Among the few specifics in the story is the example of “Jain Irrigation, which cannot find all the workers it wants for $15-an-hour jobs running expensive machinery that spins out precision irrigation tubing at 600 feet a minute, 24 hours a day, seven days a week.” $15-an-hour is just above the poverty level for a family of four, at about 130%. Dean Baker, writing in ” The Problem of Structrual Unemployment: Really Incompetent Managers ,” makes the point that a company complaining they can’t find skilled workers at $15 an hour needs to think about raising their offer. Baker writes, It presents comments from one employer who complains that he can’t find workers for jobs that pay $15 an hour. This is not a very good wage. It would be difficult for someone to support themselves and their children on a job paying $15 an hour ($30,000 a year). If the company president understand economics, then he would raise wages enough so that the jobs were attractive to workers who have the necessary skills. If they can’t get workers, they should know that they need to bump up the wage offered until they can. That is about as basic as it gets in the supply/demand equation. Can’t Sell The House And Move Part of this problem is the housing market. If Fresno really doesn’t have the skilled workers businesses need, Silicon Valley and Las Vegas certainly do, and have very high unemployment rates, but the people there can’t sell their houses and move! And even if they could sell they are “underwater,” will come out of the sale owing a ton of money that they can’t make up by taking a $15-per-hour job! Externalizing Training Costs Companies expect workers to already be trained, “externalizing” one more cost onto local communities, while shopping for the lowest tax areas to locate. California has a budget crisis and is cutting back on funding for the community colleges and other programs where people are trained for jobs. One reason for the budget crisis is businesses demanding ever-lower taxes, or playing communities and states against each other for tax incentives to relocate, using property tax avoidance schemes and so many other ways to get out of paying something back to the public for the public investment that enabled them to prosper . The Real Problem Out here in the real world the real problem is not “structural,” it is that there just are not enough jobs , they don’t pay enough, “free trade” deals have lowered wages and undermined our manufacturing base, there is not enough demand in the economy and the government is not doing its job of picking up the slack and after 30 years of tax-cutting the infrastructure is crumbling and not supporting competitiveness for our businesses. There are millions of unemployed and millions of infrastructure jobs that need doing. There is a new green energy and manufacturing revolution going on in the world and we do not have an economic/industrial policy to capture our share. There is problem after problem that is not being addressed by a government captured by interests. DC Avoids Dealing With The Problem It seems that the DC Elite will do anything to avoid just seeing what is in front of their faces. Clearly we have lost jobs from trade deals, Wall Street financialization and domination, lack of investment in infrastructure and education, etc. But the DC Elite come up with a thousand reasons not to fix these because the interests that benefit from those deals have influence over them. Our budget deficit is obviously from tax cuts and military spending — but you will never, ever, ever, ever hear that. Instead we hear job-killing “austerity” solutions that avoid asking the wealthy few to pitch in. On one issue after another, the DC Elite provide cover for the wealthy elite interests who now control DC. The transition from We, the People democracy to a plutocracy of, by and for the wealthy few is nearly complete. The real problem is not a breakdown of the structure of the job market and is not a mismatch between the jobs and the skills, it is a lack of jobs because of lack of demand, and a mismatch between who our government and economy are supposed to work for, and the interests that have brought this about. March 10 Summit on Jobs and America’s Future On March 10, 2011, the Summit on Jobs and America’s Future will bring together leaders and activists who understand that America faces a jobs crisis — and who are committed to building a political movement for sustainable economic growth, dynamic job creation, and a revival of the American economy. It’s free, $15 if you want lunch . Beat that. This post originally appeared at Campaign for America’s Future (CAF) at their Blog for OurFuture . I am a Fellow with CAF. Sign up here for the CAF daily summary .

Read the full article →

The Next Generation Of Wikileaks

January 28, 2011

BERLIN (By Mark Hosenball) – All across Europe, from Brussels to the Balkans, a new generation of WikiLeaks-style websites is sprouting. Like their forerunner, the fledgling whistle-blowing sites are a chaotic mixture of complex systems engineering, earnest campaigning, muckraking and self-promotion. And though their goals are varied, the activists behind the sites told Reuters that they share one major concern: they all vow not to repeat mistakes they believe were made by Julian Assange, the controversial WikiLeaks creator. The proliferation of websites to encourage, facilitate and shelter leakers is so anarchic that two aspiring anti-corporate leak sites are both claiming rights to the rubric “GreenLeaks” and muttering about legal consequences if the other side doesn’t back down. The most closely watched rollout in the leak-hosting world was the launch on Thursday of OpenLeaks.org, a site whose principal creator, German transparency activist Daniel Domscheit-Berg, was once Assange’s closest collaborator. Domscheit-Berg, who used the pseudonym “Daniel Schmitt” as Assange’s official WikiLeaks co-spokesman, says he doesn’t believe, as Assange initially did, that confidential material should just be dumped on the Internet. The bare-bones mission statement posted on OpenLeaks describes Domscheit-Berg’s vision as both a safe-deposit box and a social networking site for leakers and their consumers. Other WikiLeaks copycats, spinoffs and wannabes are germinating: activists say they have learned of recent launches of leak-accepting websites focused on specialized topics or regions — from Russia and the European Union bureaucracy to international trade and the pharmaceutical industry. Major news organizations are also moving to establish web-based mechanisms for receiving leaks directly, such as electronic “drop boxes” which would enable leakers to feed the media outlets directly, cutting out middlemen like Assange. “THE ARCHITECT” The most ambitious and potentially far-reaching WikiLeaks spinoff to surface this week is Domscheit-Berg’s OpenLeaks, which its founder describes as a mechanism both for putting together leakers with knowledgeable recipients and for linking leak-consuming organizations to each other. The burgeoning Wikiworld has been eagerly anticipating Domscheit-Berg’s next project since his falling out with Assange last year. The two became estranged following an e-mail exchange in which Assange summarily suspended Domscheit-Berg as WikiLeaks co-spokesman for allegedly leaking information to the media about growing concern among other WikiLeaks activists about Assange’s private life. Domscheit-Berg subsequently quit WikiLeaks, denouncing Assange for “acting like an emperor or slave trader.” He took with him other more shadowy figures who had been important collaborators with Assange in creating key elements of WikiLeaks’ leak-handling systems architecture. One of the defectors was a programer known to most insiders simply as “The Architect.” Described by colleagues as at least as brilliant at programing as Assange, The Architect was the principal designer of the systems WikiLeaks used to produce Assange’s greatest public triumphs last year, the distribution of hundreds of thousands of classified U.S. government reports. In a conversation with Reuters on Thursday from Davos, Switzerland, where he appeared on a World Economic Forum panel devoted to “Confidentiality and Transparency,” Domscheit-Berg said his WikiLeaks experience had convinced him of the wrongness of Assange’s view that the website should publish raw information and let others sort through it. (Assange’s approach subsequently appears to have matured, as demonstrated by WikiLeaks current snail-like release of its cache of 250,000 U.S. diplomatic cables.) Domscheit-Berg said WikiLeaks taught him that huge efforts have to be made to authenticate, analyze, filter and if necessary redact leaked secret documents before making them public. He said that WikiLeaks also demonstrated that a top-down group like WikiLeaks, which Assange by his own account rules like something of an absolute monarch, might not be the best model to undertake painstaking pre-publication reviews of complex, and potentially damaging, data. He said his concept is to create a new network through which leakers of any kind — government, corporate, environmental, whatever — could make confidential submissions to groups that could make use of them. OpenLeaks itself would not evaluate, let alone publicly release, the information. Instead it would convey it from leaker to leakee. The plan is to create a central web architecture for moving confidential documents from leaker to recipients, and then recruit organizations from the media, NGO world and labor movement, to become partners in the network he is creating. With his system — which is still being put together, and which, according to some activist sources, has had to postpone its launch date more than once — would-be leakers could anonymously approach OpenLeaks to be connected with a group of OpenLeaks partners who would have the resources and expertise to process their data properly, or with a single leak recipient. Leakers wanting to connect with a single recipient, such as a specific media outlet, would be able to. But Domscheit-Berg says that in most cases OpenLeaks’ practice would be that the individual media organization receiving a leak would have only a limited embargo period, usually a few weeks, to analyze the material and decide how or whether to use it. After that, the leaked material would be shared with all partners in the OpenLeaks project. Domscheit-Berg says this system is designed both to provide leaks exposure to a wider circle of potential expertise and publicity and also to encourage partners to share more information among themselves. “We’re trying to be a gatekeeper but actually enabling everyone else,” Domscheit-Berg said. If a leaker wanted the material never to be shared beyond a single initial recipient, he said, that could be arranged. Domscheit-Berg said that at some point he hoped to establish a foundation to help raise funds for not just OpenLeaks operations but also research legal and political issues related to transparency and disclosure. He said none of the partners joining the OpenLeaks network would be asked to make any direct financial contribution, and that OpenLeaks would not generate revenue by brokering information. Instead, he said, OpenLeaks will suggest that potential partners with large servers contribute computer time or space to help build the network. Some internet activists and journalists who heard details of Domscheit-Berg’s scheme before its official launch are already raising questions. They wonder whether the plan is too complicated and how the system will fulfill promises to leakers that their material will only be shared with limited recipients if that’s what the leaker wants. Domscheit-Berg said that leakers and partners would have to operate on a measure of “trust.” He declined to discuss the role “The Architect” or other activists would play in crafting OpenLeaks’ technical infrastructure, other than to acknowledge that some of his new site’s “technical people … were with WikiLeaks.” “COUNTERINTELLIGENCE FOR THE EARTH” Of more immediate interest to oil, mining and other natural resources industries might be the launch of two websites which say they intend to become conduits for corporate insiders wanting to blow the whistle on environmental abuses. But the race to set up environmentally-oriented websites under the rubric “GreenLeaks” became slightly toxic earlier this week when groups of activists in Denmark and Germany, who say they have been working independently for months on creating infrastructures in cyberspace and assembling networks of lawyers and experts to process leaks, learned of each others’ existence. The rival groups were not pleased to discover they had become involved in a competition. Representatives of both groups say they are willing to discuss their visions with each other. But each side is also assessing possible legal moves. The leader of one of the groups told Reuters that his lawyers may file legal papers challenging his rivals’ activities before the end of this week. The creators of both “GreenLeaks” websites each say they came up with the idea independently and have already expended considerable energy working on both legal and technical aspects of their sites. As the rival sites’ founders describe them, each site has its own quirks and merits, which in theory could complement each other. But for now, the two sites are glowering at each other, hoping their antagonist will blink first. A group based in Denmark has registered the Internet domain name “GreenLeaks.org” and said it has applied to trademark it as well. Based in Copenhagen, the group is led by Internet advertising executive Mads Bjerg and backed by his boss Jacob Hagemann, head of Searcus, a Copenhagen ad agency that specializes in crafting ads linked to internet searches. Bjerg’s project has been endorsed by Birgitta Jonsdottir, a member of Parliament in Iceland who was once a close collaborator with WikiLeaks and Assange. (After Swedish authorities opened a sexual misconduct investigation against him, Jonsdottir fell out with Assange and denounced him.) Bjerg has also been in contact with OpenLeaks via one of Domscheit-Berg’s collaborators, an Icelandic former WikiLeaks volunteer named Herbert Snorrason who uses the OpenLeaks handle “Odin”. In two days of interviews with Reuters at restaurants, lawyers’ offices and the houseboat where he lives, Bjerg said he had recruited a group of prominent Danish lawyers, journalists and activists to help him build GreenLeaks. He said he already had an idea about landing a big leak — though he wouldn’t say what it was — and said that other supporters of his project included an unidentified former official of a European intelligence service, who would help his site with security issues. Bjerg said that on January 17 he launched a homepage with a “GreenLeaks.org” logo (and little, if anything, else) and added: “Money is not an obstacle right now.” He declined to identify how much financial support his site had or where it came from. He said at the moment volunteers were offering help. His ambition for the site is expansive. “We want to be the authority when it comes to leaks about nature, the climate and the environment … The voice of the Earth … Counterintelligence agency for the Earth, you could say.” Bjerg said journalists and activist groups — including the Nordic branch of Greenpeace — have already pledged support to GreenLeaks.org. DanWatch, a non-profit investigative journalism group which gets funding from both the Danish Government and the European Union, has also affiliated itself with Bjerg’s website. Anne Skjerning, DanWatch’s director, said that her group, which specializes in corporate exposes, had “a hard time getting information on companies because it’s confidential.” She said that a GreenLeaks website “would be a big help for us” as a conduit through which anonymous leakers could supply inside information. Bjerg said that Thorkild Hoyer, a prominent Copenhagen lawyer who specializes in human rights, has agreed to serve as one of the group’s spokespeople. But responsibility will be shared among activists and supporters, and there will be no cults of personality. “We do not want this organization to be led by one person,” Bjerg said. “As we saw with WikiLeaks, certain things can work against an organization if the initial financier is also the early programer and chief editor.” The competitor to Bjerg’s GreenLeaks.org is being put together by Scott Millwood, an Australian documentary film-maker based in Germany. Over lunch in a Berlin sushi bar, Millwood told Reuters his group acquired the domain name GreenLeaks in 36 countries where it also has registered GreenLeaks internet addresses under the “.com” and “.biz” designators. Millwood said he also has applied to the European Union to register “GreenLeaks” as a trademark, but recently learned that Bjerg’s Denmark-based group had made a similar move within days of Millwood making his own application. Millwood acknowledged that there was “one inactive domain name that we don’t own” — Bjerg’s URL, “GreenLeaks.org.” By the same token he said, one of the URLs Millwood says he registered himself is “GreenLeaks.dk” — a domain name specifically related to Denmark. Millwood acknowledged the rivalry between the two groups could escalate into a “legal dispute.” His GreenLeaks.com will be organizationally similar to the original WikiLeaks — in that Millwood will be chief editor and principal spokesman. “I’m the public face and the editor. It’s important our organization has a responsible editor. We’re a news organization with a responsible editor. We’re not clandestine. We won’t be faceless or placeless.” Millwood nonetheless did not identify other collaborators in his website, other than to say that they included people located in several countries with backgrounds in environmental activism, information technology, social media and the law. He said that despite his plan to be his website’s public face, his philosophy of handling leaks is markedly different from the one pursued by WikiLeaks and Julian Assange. “He believed that he had a duty to history to put everything in the public sphere; information for its own sake,” Millwood said. “That’s not our philosophy. If we release information we want it to have a specific purpose.” To this end, Millwood, who produced documentaries about alleged environmental abuse in his native Tasmania, says that one of his main objectives will be to take leaked information and popularize it — for example through reporting out stories or crafting graphics. Like his rival GreenLeaks and OpenLeaks, Millwood talks of enlisting partners or eventually setting up a network of regional GreenLeaks sites. For the moment, however, Millwood’s Greenleaks.com site, which he managed to launch a few days before his Danish rivals “.org” site went live, is skeletal. He acknowledged he is “still developing the infrastructure” for a site which can receive and process confidential leaks. “EZ-PASS FOR LEAKERS” At least one other website channeling purported insider disclosures on green issues, called EnviroLeaks.org, is also up and running, though much of its initial fare consisted of re-posting State Department cables already released by WikiLeaks. More original — and arcane — are recent launches such as balkanLeaks.eu and brusselsleaks.com, which deal, respectively, with scandals in countries like Bulgaria and in the European Union bureaucracy. (BalkanLeaks’ content appears to be mainly a one-page manifesto.) Meanwhile, one prominent media outlet which has had a productive, though tempestuous relationship with Assange and the original WikiLeaks, is brainstorming whether it might be possible to cut out the middleman entirely and establish a secure channel for leakers to feed stuff to it directly. The New York Times, which is publishing an e-book on its dealings with WikiLeaks and also has posted a lengthy account by Executive Editor Bill Keller of his turbulent dealings with Assange, is examining whether it could set up its own Internet conduit for secure leaking. “Yes, a few people in our computer-assisted reporting and interactive news units are looking at setting up a drop box of some kind,” Keller told Reuters in an e-mail. “I’ve taken to calling it an EZ Pass lane for whistleblowers.” Keller noted that there are “some technical, legal and journalistic issues to work through” and added: “Nothing decided yet, but I’m intrigued.” (Editing by Jim Impoco and Claudia Parsons) Copyright 2010 Thomson Reuters. Click for Restrictions .

Read the full article →

Fulton Joins Parsons’ Infrastructure & Technology Group

January 27, 2011

PASADENA, CA–(Marketwire – January 27, 2011) – Parsons announced today that David A. Fulton has joined its Infrastructure & Technology group as Vice President and Senior Program Manager. Mr. Fulton is responsible for managing Parsons’ contract portfolio for the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and other international development agencies.

Read the full article →

Michael Likosky: Obama’s Economic Philosophy

January 26, 2011

President Obama reaffirmed his economic philosophy in the State of the Union address — a government that works, invests, delivers opportunity, and that we can believe in. It is a lean government, not a big government. It is not a problem, but a problem-solver. The approach that Obama laid out for infrastructure and clean energy investment is emblematic. I describe it in my book: Obama’s Bank: Financing a Durable New Deal . Rather than looking to 2012, the State of the Union Address returned to 2008, on the campaign trail in Janesville. In front of an audience of workers at the GM Plant, Obama first set out his economic philosophy. The GM plant would not survive to see his inauguration; however, the approach that Obama set forth in Janesville was the template for the State of the Union address. What Obama said in Janesville in 2008 is far more inspiring and durable than Paul Ryan’s rebut tonight. Importantly, the Janesville speech — and the State of the Union — start off by reminding us that our crisis has been decades in the making. In other words, our crisis did not emerge in the subprime mortgage market, and it will note be solved there. Instead, we have divested from our real economy for decades. In the meantime, our new competitors — China, etc — have invested in state-of-the art infrastructure. As a result, we risk loosing our competitive edge. In other words, we do not have the state-of-the-art infrastructure that makes companies like GE see the US as an attractive place to do business. Enlisting Jeffrey Immelt in our recovery effort is valuable for exactly this reason — he knows what it takes to insource jobs, repatriate the operations of American firms, draw money out of the TARP banks and into our real economy. And, just as in Janesville, Obama explained how we can co-invest with the private sector to return the country to its prestige place. The State of the Union spoke of the types of co-investments that happened during the Cold War that produced the Internet. Forget about the controversial shovel ready projects, few would deny that Obama’s examples tonight of entrepreneurs who benefited from a little federal help — not a lot — have excelled in the midst of the crisis. Certainly, this is the story of GE in Schenectady. When it came to infrastructure investment, Obama too returned to Janesville. We have a long term deficit in the infrastructure field. Our bridges crumble. The American Society of Engineers awarding us a D. Obama once again explained how we have to bring private investment into US infrastructure to solve this problem. Government lends a hand, but only as honey to attract private sector money. And, it’s all about the importance of opportunity — from the nod to Biden and Boehner and their uniquely American stories to the need to invest in infrastructure not only to make our powerhouse metropolitan regions even more competitive. But instead, to make sure that the off-ramps of the high speed rail and our highways that we build today become the on-ramps of vibrant cities and towns tomorrow. This was the benefit of the Transcontinental Railroad, the Eisenhower national road system, and the Internet. This is the essence of not only the Progressive Movement, but also America Dream

Read the full article →

SOTU PREVIEW: What Obama Will Focus On In Tuesday’s Address

January 23, 2011

WASHINGTON — Under pressure to energize the economy, President Barack Obama said Saturday he will use his State of the Union address to outline an agenda to create jobs now and boost American competitiveness over the long term. Heading quickly into re-election mode, Obama is expected to use Tuesday’s prime-time speech to promote spending on innovation while also promising to reduce the national debt and cooperate with emboldened Republicans. “I’m focused on making sure the economy is working for everybody, for the entire American family,” Obama said Saturday in an uncommon preview of his speech, offered up in an online video to his supporters late Saturday afternoon. The president announced that the economy would be the main topic of his speech, a nod to how important that issue is to the country’s standing and his own as well. At the halfway point of his term, Obama said the economy is on firmer footing than it was two years ago: it is growing again, albeit slowly, while the stock market is rising, and corporate profits are climbing. But with the unemployment rate stubbornly stuck above 9 percent, Obama will signal a shift Tuesday from short-term stabilization policies toward ones focused on job creation and longer-term growth. Obama offered no details on specific proposals he will call for in his address, though he has offered hints in recent weeks. Perhaps the clearest came in an overlooked speech in North Carolina last month, one that will likely serve as a template of what the nation is about to hear. Obama said then that making the U.S. more competitive means investing in a more educated work force, committing more to research and technology, and improving everything from highways and airports to high-speed Internet. In his weekly radio and Internet address Saturday, Obama also highlighted free trade as a way to increase U.S. exports and put Americans to work. “That’s how we’ll create jobs today,” Obama said. “That’s how we’ll make America more competitive tomorrow. And that’s how we’ll win the future.” Obama’s challenge will be to find the money and political will to spend it, at a time when he’s pledged to reduce spending and tackle the mountainous debt. In his preview to supporters Saturday, Obama said he would emphasize fiscal restraint Tuesday, but didn’t go into detail, saying only that any spending cuts should be done in a “responsible way.” The president is under growing pressure to tackle the debt from the public and lawmakers, particularly some newly elected Republicans who ran on pledges to cut spending. Obama, too, has made spending cuts a priority, setting up a bipartisan fiscal commission which recommended tax hikes and cuts to entitlement programs – both efforts that would likely be a hard sell with the American people. Obama will speak Tuesday to a Congress changed both by Republican wins in the November election and the attempted assassination of one of its own. Democratic Rep. Gabrielle Giffords was shot in the head two weeks ago during an event in her district in Tucson, Ariz. Since then, the president has appealed for more civility in politics, and in a nod to that ideal, some Democrats and Republicans will break with tradition and sit alongside each other in the House chamber Tuesday night. Obama hinted Saturday that he would build on that theme during the State of the Union, tying the country’s economic success to bipartisan cooperation. “We’re up to it, as long as we come together as a people_Republicans, Democrats, Independents_as long as we focus on what binds us together as a people, as long as we’re willing to find common ground even as we’re having some very vigorous debates,” Obama said. The White House sees competitiveness as a framework Republicans could support. GOP lawmakers traditionally have backed the types of trade deals and research-and-development efforts that Obama is promoting. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., appeared to give the president an opening when he said last week in a speech that “my advice to my colleagues is if the president is willing to do what we would do anyway, then we should say yes.” Yet for all the talk of bipartisanship, Obama will deliver Tuesday’s address at a time when his White House is shifting into re-election mode. Obama plans to file papers to formally run for re-election around March, and several aides are moving to Chicago to run the 2012 campaign. Saturday’s video preview to supporters signaled a return to the campaign-style outreach Obama’s team mastered in 2008, and underscored his need to rally his base around his agenda. The White House is keenly aware that Obama’s re-election prospects likely hinge on the state of the economy. More than half of those questioned in a new Associated Press-GfK poll disapproved of how he’s handled the economy, and just 35 percent said it’s improved on his watch. Three-quarters of those surveyed did say it’s unrealistic to expect noticeable improvements after two years. They said it will take longer. Obama’s preview Saturday focused exclusively on his domestic agenda, with no mention of foreign policy. Obama is, however, expected to frame his call for competitiveness in global terms, calling for a new Sputnik moment – a reference to the Soviet Union’s 1957 launch of the first satellite, ahead of the U.S. He intends to say the U.S. is again facing challenges from abroad, this time from fast-growing economies in China, India and throughout Southeast Asia. In his travels to Asia and during Chinese President Hu Jintao’s recent trip to Washington, Obama has said he’s been struck by the rapid rise of that region and the laser-like focus on competing in the global economy. “They are thinking each and every day about how to educate their work force, rebuild their infrastructure, enter into new markets,” Obama said in November, after wrapping up a 10-day Asia trip. “We should feel confident about our ability to compete, but we are going to have to step up our game.”

Read the full article →

Michael Likosky: Top 5 to Watch in 2011: Infrastructure Leaders

December 31, 2010

1. Bellwether Members of Congress – Barbara Boxer (D-CA) Dave Camp (R-MI) Rosa DeLauro (D-CT) John Kerry (D-MA) John Mica (R-FL) 2. Bellwether Governors – Jerry Brown (D-CA) Andrew Cuomo (D-NY) Nathan Deal (R-GA) John Hickenlooper (D-CO) Rick Perry (R-TX) Rick Scott (R-FL) 3. Bellwether Mayors and Mayoral Candidate – Michael Bloomberg (I-NYC) Rahm Emanuel (D-Chicago-Candidate) Antonio Villaraigosa (D-Los Angeles) 4. Bellwether Federal Institutions National Infrastructure Bank (proposed) Department of Commerce Department of Energy Department of Homeland Security Department of Transportation Department of the Treasury Environmental Protection Agency 5. Bellwether Leaders: Sung and Unsung President Barack Obama Governor Ed Rendell (D-PA) Representative Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) Arnold Schwarzenegger (R-CA)

Read the full article →

Michael Likosky: Top 10 List for 2010: Infrastructure

December 25, 2010

1. Top Huffington Post Blog Chris Matthews: “Infrastructure as Monument” 2. Top Presidential Speech President Obama: “Our Generation’s Sputnik Moment is Now” 3. Top Infrastructure Journalist Rachel Maddow 4. Hardest Working Man in Infrastructure Pennsylvania Governor Ed Rendell 5. Best Statement in Support of an Infrastructure Bank Senator Kerry to Banking Committee 6. Best Report on the Stimulus Act & Infrastructure President’s Council of Economic Advisors Fourth Quarterly Report 7. Most Effective Consensus Builder Congresswoman Rosa DeLauro (Conn.-3) 8. Best Advocates for a Bi-Partisan Approach Building America’s Future 9. Best Infrastructure Statesman Ambassador Felix Rohatyn 10. Top Infrastructure Philanthropist Bernard Schwartz

Read the full article →

Franz-Stefan Gady: Undersea Cables: The Achilles Heel of our Economies

December 21, 2010

In December 2008 within milliseconds, Egypt lost 70 percent of its connection to the outside Internet. In far away India, 50 to 60 percent of online connectivity similarly was lost. In Pakistan, 12 million people were knocked offline suddenly, and in Saudi Arabia, 4.7 million were unable to connect to the Internet. The economic costs of this 24-hour outage: approximately 64 million dollars. The recent revelations by WikiLeaks of U.S. national security interests in critical infrastructure vulnerabilities mention the often neglected underpinning of the current connectivity revolution sweeping the planet–undersea cables. In December 2008, four undersea cables were cut simultaneously, affecting Internet users all over the world. While cable cuts happen from time to time nothing, the scope of the cuts illustrate the exposure of our economies to disruption once we lose connectivity. Hardly any people know that our global digital connectivity rests upon a relatively few fiber optic cables lying at the bottom of the Atlantic, Pacific, and Indian Oceans. They wrongly believe that their international communications are carried via satellite links. The truth is that 99 percent of transcontinental Internet traffic travels through these connecting cables; these are the lifelines of our economies. For proof, simply take a quick look at the financial services sector. In 2004 alone, nine million messages and approximately $7.4 trillion a day were traded via undersea cables worldwide. The Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT), a provider of financial messaging, sends about 15 million messages a day over cables. 1 million of these are financial transactions, amounting to over $4.7 trillion dollars a day commuting via the same undersea cables. The finance hub Hong Kong doubles its dependency, i.e. the volume of messages going through these cables, every 18 months. Most of the cable cuts occur because of ship anchors, natural disasters such as earthquakes or fishing nets. While the technical reliability of these cables is very high, international politics have created three particular problem zones in the world — three cable chokepoints where undersea cables converge and where if cut, outages could have severe consequences. The first is in the Luzon Strait, the second in the Suez Canal-Red Sea-Mandab Strait passage, and the third is in the Strait of Malacca. Let’s take a closer look at the Luzon Strait. The reason why cables go through the Luzon Strait rather than taking an alternative route through the Taiwan Strait to avoid this single point of failure is because of the ongoing political tensions between Taiwan and China. The result is that Hong Kong, a major financial hub, is one of the most vulnerable spots to outages in the world. The Hengchun earthquake in 2006 severed the Luzon Strait cables, which, according to Chinese newspapers, “catastrophically affected financial transactions, particularly in the foreign exchange market.” Simultaneous cuts in the Luzon Strait or the Suez Canal-Red Sea-Mandab Strait chokepoints — again largely the result of the political unwillingness of the countries on the Arabian Peninsula to cooperate with regard to overland cables through their territories — could cut Hong Kong off from New York or London, as terrestrial routes would have insufficient capacity to carry the undersea cable load. Payments suddenly could not be made, orders not processed, and bond trading halting on the stock exchange. Given our volatile economic climate, an incident where a number of these cables are cut could have devastating consequences. When cables are cut at one chokepoint, the loss of connectivity might last from a few days to a few weeks depending on how well the cable system owner, the operator of the repair vessel, and the national government involved coordinate their efforts. A few countries are notorious for delaying repair permits if the cuts appear in their territorial waters. The good news is that there is the chance for “undersea cable diplomacy” to bring countries together. The IEEE Reliability of Global Undersea Communications Cable Infrastructure (ROGUCCI) Report, released earlier this year, provides a thorough analysis of these and other concerns, and, most importantly, provides bold, actionable recommendations for addressing each of these problems in order to strengthen the resilience of the global undersea communications cable Infrastructure (GUCCI). The international, non-profit “think and do tank” EastWest Institute has been recruited to champion international policy aspects of the recommendations and is making encouraging progress. There is hope that China and Taiwan could reduce tensions and build trust by allowing the installation of undersea cables in the Strait of Taiwan. It would be a win-win situation for both sides and the world since it decreases the vulnerability of the global economy to communication outages. The same is true for other chokepoints. Undersea cables might serve as the initial building block in inter-country collaboration in some of the most contested regions of the world. This was a notion already recognized by Queen Victoria in her first cable across the Atlantic in 1858 when she expressed hope that undersea cables would prove “an additional link between the nations whose friendship is founded on their common interest and reciprocal esteem.” Franz-Stefan Gady is a foreign policy analyst at the EastWest Institute.

Read the full article →

Marshall Auerback: Reality Check: Why Truth Will Protect Social Security

December 20, 2010

It is clear from the comments on our last piece that we might have raised more questions than we answered. Above all, we want to make clear that when we discuss the funding aspects of the Social Security program, we are doing so in a way that is designed to safeguard it, not eliminate it . We believe that fictions are not necessary, because the truth will protect the program better than distortions, however well-intended. Enemies have lied enough; supporters do not need to battle fictions with more fictions. Here we will deal with a dozen issues surrounding the proposed payroll tax holiday, and illustrate why we do not believe that the holiday is a danger to the program — as long as we understand the facts. 1. Social Security Has Deep Support . Social Security is consistently counted as America’s most popular program. It lifts millions of seniors out of poverty. It provides benefits to widows, dependents and persons with disabilities. It has never missed a payment due. It is a federal government program, and as such has the full faith and credit of our government standing behind it. There is absolutely no reason to believe that it would ever default on its commitments. Its promises are as secure as any promises made anywhere in the world. One of the things that makes it so popular, and hence safe from political interference, is that it is essentially a universal program — Congress determines eligibility requirements. It has no means tests, so unlike “welfare” programs it is available for poor and rich alike. So it commands political legitimacy in a way that welfare programs do not. 2. Social Security is a Generational Promise . In real terms, Social Security is an assurance program, maintained by a promise by Americans of working age to provide material support for seniors and other beneficiaries (those widows, dependents, and people with disabilities). It is an assurance that is renewed every generation: those of working age produce the goods and services needed by Americans of all ages, secure in the knowledge that when they become aged or infirm, the next generation will work hard to support them. 3. There is No Viable Alternative . What would be the alternative to this social assurance program? Previous to the creation of Social Security, most elderly people lived in (or near) poverty, relying largely on handouts coming from their own children or, in many cases, from charities. Few Americans had adequately provided for their own retirement. All studies today demonstrate that the average American still has not adequately prepared for retirement. For most Americans, the Social Security “leg” of the retirement stool is absolutely essential for a dignified retirement. There is no reason to believe things will ever be different. There is no alternative to public support for retirement. If we also add in widows, dependents, and people with disabilities (who now account for a quarter of all beneficiaries of Social Security) it becomes even more obvious that Social Security is necessary and is here to stay. 4. The Payroll Tax is Unpopular . In spite of the defense by well-intentioned, albeit misguided, liberals, no one really loves the payroll tax. It is the most burdensome federal tax for 70% of all Americans. It adds to the cost of employing American workers — making it hard to compete in a global economy in which many of our competitors have no equivalent business cost. In most nations, a public pension for retirees, as well as social protection for dependent youths and people with disabilities, is not a cost imposed on business. Rather, it is a cost born by society as a whole. In America we impose a cost on employment — both employee and employer — that is not typically born by our competitors. Just as in the case of imposing health care costs on employers, the US almost uniquely puts barriers in the way of employment. Social Security alone adds 12.4% (half each on employer and employee) to employment costs. Further, the tax is poorly designed because it is regressive, with much lower tax rates on high income earners. It also taxes only employment income. This is extremely problematic in a nation in which the share of wages in national income has been declining on trend and is projected to continue to decline in coming decades. While we do not endorse such projections, we wish to point out that these have a lot to do with the projections of future financial “shortfalls”. In addition, as income becomes more unequally distributed, more employment income at the top becomes exempt from the tax — another reason for projected shortfalls. Again, we do not endorse the projection, but it provides fuel to the fire of neocons who point to projected shortfalls in their argument that the program is financially unsustainable. Our point is that a payroll tax cut reduces employment costs, will restore ‘spending power’ and, by helping households to make their mortgage payments, will help to fix banks from the bottom up. Maximizing employment and output in each period is a necessary condition for long-term growth. A payroll tax reduction helps to mitigate the impact of rising unemployment. So even on the conventional accounting grounds that today’s Social Security Trust Fund will have “shortfall” (to reiterate, a position which we do not endorse), full employment provides greater tax revenue to the government, which will shut down these discussions about Social Security’s “affordability”. 5. Tying Social Security to the Payroll Tax is Problematic . Even if we strictly stick to conventional understanding of government finance, it makes little sense to tie the program’s fortunes to the payroll tax for the reasons enumerated above. The tax base has been falling. The tax is regressive. The tax helps to make America uncompetitive. More importantly, the tax is almost unique among federal taxes — it is “dedicated” to a single program. That allows both “money’s worth” (comparing taxes paid to individual benefits received) calculations as well as calculations of “Armageddon day” (when revenues fall short of benefit payments). It also has led to completely unnecessary tax hikes over the years, from a tax of about 2% of wages on the parents of baby-boomers to the current 6.2%. These current tax rates have nothing to do with current benefit payments — Greenspan pushed them up far beyond what was necessary on the argument that we needed “advanced funding” for benefits that would be paid 50 or 75 years into the future. By contrast, there is no dedicated military tax. Imagine tax policy that would try to increase taxes today on the argument that we will need to increase military spending in 2075. It would be rejected as nonsense. In fact, no one wastes time trying to calculate the defense spending “shortfall” through the next 75 years, let alone “infinite horizon” shortfalls (as is done by inter-generational warriors in the case of Social Security). Too silly to imagine. Without a “dedicated” payroll tax, such calculations would never be done because they could not be done. A “hypothecated tax” supposedly designed to safeguard Social Security’s long-term viability, then, actually provides the political means to destroy it. 6. Ignoring “Financing”, There is no Social Security Crisis . As we explained in our first piece, aging raises the real “burden” in the sense that eventually we will have only two workers per beneficiary versus three today. But all reasonable projections of rising worker productivity easily takes care of that. If we stick to “real” arguments Social Security, proponents can defeat neocon critics hands-down. The burden rises very slowly, and by less than it has risen over the past half century — we have already dealt with a rising number of seniors as great as what will occur in the future. In truth, we have already completed most of the transition to an aged society. And it ain’t that bad. Yes, we need more old folks’ homes; but we need fewer day care centers. We need more hip replacements but we need fewer neonatal units. It is almost a wash — that transition from baby-boomer young to baby-boomer old. And they’ll all soon enough be gone, anyway. In truth, the baby-boomers were a blip on the historical radar screen and we are almost done with them. Yes, they were a burden — from birth to death — but they gave us one heck of a lot of excitement, from war protests to sexual revolutions, and from drug experimentation to the best music the country ever produced. 7. Sustainability Calculations Are Distorted . Only in financial terms can the program look unsustainable — but that is entirely due to the myth that the payroll tax must pay for the program. The shortfall is due to several factors, most of which are based on the assumption that recent trends will continue. As discussed above, it is partially due to projections that the distribution of income will continue to shift away from wages and toward rentier income and high income earners. It is also due to projections of low wage growth and to other projections about “real” variables: low immigration of workers to the US, low economic and productivity growth, low birthrates, falling retirement ages, and low labor force participation rates. Most of these are arguable, and some are policy variables (if desired, there is a nearly infinite supply of potential immigrants). But the bigger point is the one we have made above: these sustainability calculations rely on projections of faster growth of benefit payments relative to the growth of payroll tax revenue. If there were no dedicated tax, there could be no “financial” calculation of sustainability. Instead, we would have to focus on the much more relevant “real” variables: will we have enough workers of sufficient productivity to produce all the goods and services we will need to support elders, dependents, people with disabilities, and workers? The answer is a resounding “Yes”. There is no controversy about that, even taking the pessimistic assumptions used by program critics. The “financing” diverts us from the real issue. 8. The Holiday is Good for the Economy . Eliminating the payroll tax ends the irrelevant “money’s worth” and “sustainability” calculations. It also relaxes the fiscal stance by an amount that is probably sufficient to remove the fiscal drag that prevents the economy from operating at full employment. The “holiday” is a move in the right direction with regard to loosening the fiscal stance and tax relief is well-targeted to workers and firms. We can begin with the 2 percentage point reduction and move forward to greater reductions. It is possible that our calculations are wrong. If so, it will be necessary to increase taxes or reduce spending when — and if — our economy finally recovers. When that becomes necessary, there are better taxes than a payroll tax that punishes employers and especially lower and middle class workers. 9. Payroll Taxes Do Not “Pay for” Social Security. Let us first look at this from a conventional viewpoint of government finance. Benefit payments are made by Treasury, just like any other federal government spending. Payroll taxes are paid to Treasury, just like any other federal taxes. If total spending, including Social Security, exceeds total tax revenue, including payroll taxes, the government records a budget deficit. It does not matter whether one part of the budget — say Social Security — receives dedicated taxes greater than spending. We can just as easily imagine that fuel taxes “pay for” transportation, and that income taxes “pay for” military adventures. If Social Security runs a surplus but the rest of the budget runs an equal deficit, the government has a balanced budget. It can say that the rest of the budget “owes” Social Security — but that is just internal record keeping. Later, if the rest of the budget continues to run deficits and then Social Security also runs a deficit, the sum of those two equals the budget deficit — an external deficit. The internal records that show Social Security has run years’ worth of surpluses do not change that fact at all. From the perspective of the budget as a whole, this internal accounting makes no more sense than when a household allocates the husband’s income to the house payment and the wife’s income to the auto loan with careful record keeping to track the husband’s debt to the wife when he comes up short. If total income is less than spending, there is an external budget deficit and the wife cannot collect from the husband on all the internal debts he may owe her from previous years. But in reality, the government is not like a household and we cannot use conventional views about government finance. While we treat tax revenues as “income,” it is not the same as a household’s income and does not really finance government spending in the way that a household’s income finances its spending. The government actually receives back its own IOUs when taxes are paid; it issues its own IOUs when it spends. Deficits mean it issues more IOUs than it receives back. It cannot run out of its own IOUs. This is not a policy proposal, but rather a description of government spending. We do not imply that the government can never issue “too many” IOUs. The government can spend too much, causing inflation and, possibly, causing currency depreciation. But when the government promises to make Social Security benefit payments, it is promising to credit bank accounts with its own IOUs. It cannot run out; it will never reach a point at which it cannot fulfill its promise. “Finance” is not constrained in this case. This is not a controversial point; it is accepted by all mainstream economists from Paul Samuelson (who wrote the textbooks most students used) and Milton Friedman to Ben Bernanke . There are many other issues associated with government spending — it can be of the wrong type, it can be so large that it causes inflation, it can reward friends and punish enemies, and so on. But it cannot be financially constrained. 10. Political Reality Check . Our support for a tax holiday has been labeled “politically naïve.” You want political reality? Retaining the fiction that payroll taxes “pay for” Social Security only gives ammunition to the enemies for the reasons we discussed above — it makes it possible to calculate the program’s shortfall. Amazingly, Social Security’s “friends” (like President Clinton and Candidate Gore) accept those calculations! And just what do many “progressives” advocate to resolve the program’s projected financial shortfall? Raising the cap so that taxes can be increased on higher income people. That is supposed to be politically popular — a way to influence friends and convert enemies? Social Security is already a bad “money’s worth” deal for high income people, who would much rather pull out and invest their savings in Wall Street. Others want to means test the program — again, targeting the high income to reduce their benefits. To generate more support among high income employees and the self-employed? Talk about political naiveté. In case no one has been noticing over the past half century, high income people have influence in Washington and do not need Social Security. They would love to pull out or gut the program. By tying Social Security’s fate to the payroll tax, progressives commit themselves to battling over financial “sustainability” and to difficult political choices that come down to raising payroll taxes or cutting benefits. 11. Defending the Payroll Tax Plays Into the Hands of Social Security’s Foes . There is nothing more ironic and destructive than “progressives” refusing to give a payroll tax holiday to beleaguered workers. It plays right into neocons’ hands. Keeping payroll taxes far higher than necessary to match benefit payments was precisely Greenspan’s 1983 scheme to reduce popularity for the program. To some degree, it has been successful. Imagine a truly progressive strategy that promised to eliminate the payroll tax to help workers and their employers. How much goodwill would that produce for the progressive cause? And how much fiscal stimulus would that add? We would then move the focus to real issues: preparing our economy for a growing elderly population and for fewer workers per beneficiary. Education and training could increase future productivity. Policies that maintain high employment and minimize unemployment (both officially measured unemployment, as well as those counted as out of the labor force) are critical to maintaining a higher worker-to-retiree ratio. Policies can also encourage seniors of today and tomorrow to continue to participate in the labor force. The private sector will play a role in all of this, but there is also an important role to be played by the government. The broader point is that any reform that seeks to address growth in the context of Social Security’s “sustainability” ought to be made with a focus on increasing the economy’s capacity to produce real goods and services today and in the future, rather than on ensuring positive actuarial balances between payroll tax receipts and benefit payments through eternity. Unlike the case with individuals, social policy can provision for the future in real terms — by increasing productive capacity in the intervening years. For example, policies that might encourage long-lived public and private infrastructure investment could ease the future burden of providing for growing numbers of retirees by putting into place the infrastructure that will be needed in an aging society: nursing homes and other long-term care facilities, independent living communities, aged-friendly public transportation systems, and senior citizen centers. 12. Americans Want a Better Life for Future Generations . Throughout our history, Americans have always been willing to sacrifice to make our nation stronger over the long haul. That’s America’s promise: to give our children and grandchildren a better life. And if we succumb to the maniacal protests of the deficit reduction fetishists and cut back net public spending now and drive millions more workers out of jobs, then we will be guilty of crimes against our children and grandchildren. That’s the real “inter-generational theft” that ought to concern us, not a reduction in the payroll tax. Cross-posted from New Deal 2.0 .

Read the full article →

Michael Likosky: Happy Critical Infrastructure Protection Month: Let’s Invest

December 4, 2010

December is Critical National Infrastructure Protection Month . And, it’s about even more than safeguarding our homeland in a post-9/11 world through securitizing our airports, information systems, and financial institutions from attacks. Like President Eisenhower, President Obama sees targeted investments as central to ensuring that our critical national infrastructure promotes our national security. In his proclamation establishing December as Critical Infrastructure Protection Month , Obama says: My Administration is committed to delivering the necessary information, tools, and resources to areas where critical national infrastructure exists in order to maintain and enhance its security and resilience. I have proposed a bold plan for renewing and expanding our Nation’s infrastructure, including its critical infrastructure, in the coming years. Eisenhower looked abroad at how other countries were using infrastructure to protect their own homelands. Particularly the German Autobahn. Germany’s high quality national road system investments meant that it could use its roads as a platform to launch attacks and move munitions. According to Eisenhower, a national road system was essential to move our forces across the country quickly in case of a coastal attack. Obama too realizes that a high quality critical national infrastructure is essential for national security. However, unlike Eisenhower who faced twentieth century security challenges, Obama and America must address twenty-first century ones. On this front, Obama has drawn a key lesson from the impact of President Eisenhower’s security-directed investments – the federal highway system came to be the foundation of our post-War boom. As were our military investments during the Cold War which created the Internet which laid the foundation of today’s American economy. In other words, infrastructure investments feed our economic growth which is our best guarantor of, in fact essential to – in the words of the proclamation – the security, economic welfare, public health, and safety of the United States. Investing in economic growth to ensure our national security is certainly something bipartisan. The Department of Homeland Security’s National Infrastructure Protection Plan makes clear that our success depends upon us coordinating all levels of government (federal, state, local, tribal, and territorial) and also the private sector. This insight applies to our re-investment in American infrastructure – we must create public-private-partnerships united in a common purpose. Moreover, as Chris Matthews speaks eloquently about – it’s about patriotism – investments in a genuinely national infrastructure can ensure that we are not a fly-over nation but a sea-to-shining-sea one.

Read the full article →

Dave Johnson: Do Tax Cuts Help the Economy?

December 1, 2010

In the news: Congress debates extending an extra tax cut for the rich, Obama’s “deficit commission” proposes tax cuts to cut the deficit. Both of these assume tax cuts help the economy. But do they? What is the record? In this morning’s public hearing of the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform (deficit commission), Rep. Paul Ryan repeated the conservative mantra: “Economic growth comes from lower taxes.” You may have heard this before. In fact, you may not have been able to avoid hearing this, repeated over and over, until you are running in circles with your hands over your ears. You can’t get away from it. In the Congress, Republicans and some conservative Democrats are demanding that the special Bush-era extra tax cut for the wealthy be extended, repeating (over and over and over and over and over) that you must not raise taxes in a recession, because it will hurt growth. It is certainly a convenient argument, if you are really, really wealthy. But is it based on reality or ideology? A look at the record can provide some answers to that question. To start, here are three charts I have been using that show what happened after previous tax cuts: First, as top tax rates declined, so the the GDP: Second, a different look at growth since the 80s tax cuts using 12-quarter rolling average nominal GDP growth: Third, the effect of tax cuts for the rich on the country’s debt: Economist Mark Thoma yesterday at MoneyWatch, ” Did the Bush Tax Cuts Lead to Economic Growth? “: What impact did the Bush tax cuts have on economic growth? The evidence is not favorable. For example, according to this Census report (see table A1), median household income in 2007, adjusted for inflation, was lower than it was in 2000. Employment growth was particularly weak… real wages and salaries grew at a 1.8 percent average… as compared with a 3.8 percent average. ( Click through to read .) It’s Possible for Tax Cuts to Reduce Economic Growth Furthermore, even the part of the tax cuts used for investment purposes may not result in enhanced long-run growth… the growth disappears as soon as the bubble pops. In fact, this type of investment leads to reduced growth relative to what could have been achieved with other investments. Thus, to the extent that tax cuts helped to fuel the housing bubble, they actually harmed rather than helped long-run growth. ( Click through to read .) The Bottom Line Like it or not, tax increases will be required. If allowing the Bush tax cuts to expire for the wealthy is the only acceptably equitable way to raise taxes in this political environment, then there is little evidence that this will be harmful. ( Click through to read .) It is obvious that the Reagan and Bush tax cuts for the wealthy have hurt us in many ways. They hurt the economy. (See charts above.) (Also, just look around you.) They caused massive debt . They hurt government’s ability to do its job. They caused extreme concentration of wealth. They changed us from a democracy to a plutocracy: government of, by and for the wealthy. They kept us from maintaining and modernizing our infrastructure . But this was the plan all along , wasn’t it? Click here to Tell Congress: Don’t extend the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy . Click here to read the The Citizens’ Commission On Jobs, Deficits And America’s Economic Future ‘s report on how to create jobs, grow the economy and reduce the borrowing. This post originally appeared at Campaign for America’s Future (CAF) at their Blog for OurFuture . I am a fellow with CAF. Sign up here for the CAF daily summary .

Read the full article →