lawyer

Chiesi Faced Tax Lien as Government Says She Reaped Illegal Akamai Profit

October 20, 2009

By Oshrat Carmiel and Katie Hoffmann Oct. 20 (Bloomberg) — Danielle Chiesi , accused with Raj Rajaratnam in the largest insider-trading case against a hedge fund, was allegedly short-selling shares of Akamai Technologies Inc. as she faced a federal lien for $63,226 in unpaid taxes. The Internal Revenue Service filed the lien against her Manhattan apartment on Aug. 12, 2008, a step taken by the agency after a formal demand for payment is ignored, according to city records and the IRS . A month earlier, Chiesi was gathering insider information about Akamai’s earnings , setting in motion a bet that the stock would fall that earned $2.4 million for her firm, New Castle Funds LLC, according to an Oct. 16 complaint filed by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission. Chiesi paid the IRS in November 2008, city records show . She didn’t return a message left for her with the doorman, and a phone call and e-mail to her lawyer, Alan Kaufman, weren’t immediately returned yesterday. Chiesi was arrested Oct. 16 with five others, including Rajaratnam, the billionaire founder of New York-based Galleon Group. The case, which used wiretaps to allege $20 million in ill-gotten profits, provides a snapshot of an alleged network of informants and traders, led by Rajaratnam, 52. His co- conspirators, according to prosecutors, included a McKinsey & Co. consultant, executives at Intel Corp. and International Business Machines Corp. , and Chiesi, 43, a Bear Stearns Cos. veteran who used expletives as she talked with Rajaratnam. “Who knows IBM? And who’s in bed with AMD? Put Danielle’s name on the f—-n’ ticket,” she allegedly said in an Aug. 19, 2008, call with Rajaratnam, who lives one block away from her on Manhattan’s Upper East Side. ‘Entirely Innocent’ Armonk, New York-based IBM, the world’s largest computer- services provider, said yesterday it put Senior Vice President Robert Moffat , one of Rajaratnam’s alleged conspirators, on temporary leave. Moffat, 53, declined to talk to a reporter yesterday outside his home in Ridgefield, Connecticut. “I am entirely innocent and will vigorously defend myself and our firm,” Rajaratnam said yesterday in a letter to employees and clients. He was released on $100 million bail. On a call on Aug. 15, 2008, Chiesi allegedly complained that in pursuit of insider tips she’d have to meet Moffat “on f—–g Sunday at my mom’s house.” Chiesi’s boss, Mark Kurland , co-founder of New York-based New Castle, was also arrested. Messages left for him at New Castle’s office were not returned. Kurland, 60, was not at his Mt. Kisco, New York, home when a reporter arrived at his door yesterday. Akamai Leak At Akamai Technologies, prosecutors said Chiesi had a family friend who leaked data on the provider of software to make Web sites load faster. Chiesi both used her Akamai intelligence for New Castle’s trading and passed it on to Rajaratnam, prosecutors said. New Castle began making bets Akamai’s stock price would fall on July 25, 2008, eventually shorting 290,000 shares, according to the SEC. That was five days before Akamai Technologies announced earnings and cut its profit forecast for the year. New Castle also bought put options on Akamai on July 30, the day the Cambridge, Massachusetts-based company released its earnings outlook after the market close. The next day, Akamai shares saw their biggest one-day drop in Nasdaq Stock Market trading. Akamai continued to fall through the third quarter, plunging 48 percent between July 21 and Oct. 1, 2008, according to Bloomberg data. Galleon’s Profit A put option is an agreement that gives the buyer the right to sell a specific number of a company’s shares by a preset date. A short sale involves a security that one doesn’t own and has borrowed in anticipation of making a profit by paying for it after its price has fallen. Galleon had begun selling short shares of Akamai on July 2, eventually shorting half a million shares, according to the complaint. Its profit: $3.2 million. The complaint says Chiesi and the source at Akamai spoke multiple times in July 2008, including two lengthy conversations on July 24. The wiretaps, which prosecutors said hadn’t previously been used to catch those dealing in inside information, showed Rajaratnam and Chiesi preferred bartering for confidential intelligence to paying for it. A Sept. 9, 2008, call between Chiesi and her contact there illustrates the alleged information-swapping process. After discussing whether Akamai would be buying back stock, Chiesi told her source, according to the transcript, “I want you to buy AMD … before the end of the month. Nothing’s gonna happen next week, but the week after … I think I’ve got a big deal.” The Akamai executive replied, “Okay, okay, good. I really appreciate that.” Real Estate Woes In October 2006, the board of Chiesi’s co-operative apartment at 418 East 59th St . requested an eviction warrant against her for nonpayment of an $11,301 debt, according to New York State Court records. As of yesterday, she was still residing in the building, according to a doorman in the lobby reception. In 2000, New York courts issued a “warrant for possession” of a different apartment at 33 East 56th St. for nonpayment of $5,223, according to court records. Chiesi was married for 16 months to Brian Feeney before divorcing in 1996, according to court records. Reached at home in Connecticut yesterday, Feeney declined to comment, saying he hadn’t seen Chiesi for almost a decade. Chiesi joined New Castle, which was started in 1995 as part of Bear Stearns’s asset-management unit, in 1996. She had previously worked at New York-based investment firm Arnhold & S. Bleichroeder as a vice president in investment banking and research sales for two years, according to New Castle’s marketing documents. Prior to that she worked at research firm Furman Selz and Mabon Nugent. Chiesi graduated from the University of Colorado with a bachelor’s degree in economics, according to the documents. The cases are U.S. v. Rajaratnam, 09-02306, and U.S. v. Chiesi, 09-mag-2307, U.S. District Court, Southern District of New York (Manhattan). To contact the reporters on this story: Oshrat Carmiel in New York at ocarmiel1@bloomberg.net ; Katie Hoffmann in New York at khoffmann4@bloomberg.net

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UBS Account Amnesty Deadline Adds Need for Therapy to Lawyer Consultations

October 13, 2009

By Carlyn Kolker and David Voreacos Oct. 13 (Bloomberg) — With a U.S. deadline three days away, clients of UBS AG and other foreign banks have turned law offices into therapy suites as they seek advice on whether to reveal offshore accounts to tax authorities or risk prosecution. Attorneys helping taxpayers navigate the Internal Revenue Service voluntary disclosure program are hearing dramas that mix personal finance with fear, including stories of cash stashed beneath homes during the Holocaust, accounts hidden from spouses and relatives who might be implicated, tax lawyers say. “Some people come in and are very nervous,” said Barbara Kaplan , an attorney at Greenberg Traurig in New York, who represents about 75 taxpayers who plan to come forward. “With some, there are lots of tears. I tell them I can’t deal with their emotional issues relating to this. You have to talk to your therapist about that. I charge too much for that.” The program, ending Oct. 15, lets taxpayers avoid prosecution and public disclosure of their identities by revealing their accounts and paying back taxes, fines and penalties. More than 3,000 signed up through Sept. 21. The IRS made the offer March 26, a month after Zurich-based UBS paid $780 million and avoided prosecution by admitting it helped Americans evade taxes. UBS, the largest Swiss bank, first agreed in February to give names of 250 U.S. taxpayers to the government. In August, it agreed to disclose another 4,450. The voluntary disclosure program isn’t open to taxpayers already under scrutiny by the IRS. Since December 2007, six UBS clients pleaded guilty and a seventh agreed to do so. A UBS banker pleaded guilty; two were indicted; and three Europeans were charged with enabling U.S. tax evasion. The Justice Department has said 150 taxpayers are under criminal investigation. Tax Requirements U.S. taxpayers can legally hold securities in other countries or withdraw funds from foreign accounts. They are, however, required to disclose their existence on annual tax forms filed with the IRS and a Report of Foreign Bank or Financial Accounts, or FBAR. Failure to do so could lead to prosecution for tax evasion or filing a false tax report. “I’ve got people in complete denial, and people who are panicked out of their mind,” said Robert Katzberg of New York- based Kaplan & Katzberg, who represents 18 clients making disclosures to the IRS. “There are myriad different human considerations.” Some clients would rather risk prosecution than pay fines and penalties, Katzberg said. Others choose to disclose their accounts, he added. FBAR Penalties Under U.S. law, the IRS can confiscate half of an offshore account’s value when the holder deliberately fails to disclose it. The penalty can apply each year the FBAR form isn’t filed. As an incentive to join the amnesty program, the IRS will take 20 percent of the account’s assets based on its peak value in the previous six years. If an account was inactive, it may take as little as 5 percent. One advantage to the program is that it allows U.S. clients to repatriate foreign assets that are illiquid and cannot be moved easily back into the country, lawyers say. A U.S. surveillance system that reviews large cash transfers is intended to prevent fraud, money laundering, and the movement of funds by terrorists. Such transactions often trigger the filing of a so-called suspicious activity report by the Treasury Department, which can prompt investigations into the money’s source. Clients who reveal their accounts to the IRS also can avoid the notoriety of prosecution, Kaplan said. Avoiding Embarrassment “Most of the people are very interested in anonymity,” she said. “They don’t want their name in the press. Probably for some it is an incentive. You won’t be embarrassed or vilified in your country.” A man who contacted Katzberg before the UBS settlement and chose not to reveal his assets had fled his native Poland after the 1939 Nazi invasion. After emigrating to the U.S., he kept a UBS account, which grew to millions of dollars, Katzberg said. He wanted the assurance of the safety of Switzerland’s banking system, according to the lawyer. The man, who Katzberg declined to identify, is unmarried and is leaving the U.S. government his money when he dies, the lawyer said. Still, he refused to come forward because he doesn’t think Switzerland would betray his trust, Katzberg said. “It broke my heart,” said the lawyer, who said he advised the man to disclose the account. Some people are keeping their accounts secret to avoid implicating Swiss lawyers, U.S. accountants and relatives, he said. Rush of Clients The extension of the disclosure deadline, originally Sept. 23, spurred a rush of clients, tax lawyers said. So have letters from UBS telling ex-customers they may be on the list given to the U.S., they say. Fifty clients approached the New York law firm Kostelanetz & Fink in the past week, attorney Robert Fink said. The firm represents 300 people making voluntary disclosures. Preparing the IRS’s disclosure papers has forced some people to revisit their personal histories, Fink said. “The wrenching stories are the Holocaust survivors” who sought Swiss bank accounts as safe havens, Fink said. One client survived a concentration camp then opened a Swiss bank account with money he retrieved that his family hid in Budapest during World War II, the lawyer said. He never found the silver his parents had hidden in a well beneath their house. Other clients divulged deep-seated fears of the U.S. banking system that led them to stash money in Switzerland in the first place, said William Sharp , a Tampa, Florida-based attorney. “They were concerned about the U.S. abandoning the gold standard in the ‘70s,” Sharp said. “Some people were concerned about the Soviet threat. They had legitimate fears about the safety of the U.S. banking system.” To contact the reporters on this story: Carlyn Kolker in New York at ckolker@bloomberg.net and; David Voreacos in Newark, New Jersey, at dvoreacos@bloomberg.net .

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Polanski’s Art No Shield for Sex Crime With Child: Ann Woolner

September 30, 2009

Commentary by Ann Woolner Sept. 30 (Bloomberg) — Roman Polanski is an enormously talented film director who has suffered tragedy time and again. He is also an admitted child molester who fled the U.S. rather than face punishment. In the wake of his arrest in Switzerland last weekend at the request of California prosecutors, supporters seem to believe his art should absolve him of responsibility for his crime and for fleeing from the law. We like to say in America that no man is above the law, not even a president. But when it comes to Polanski, his supporters say it’s an outrage that the California prosecutors don’t forgive and try to forget, as his victim has. After all, this is a great artist. “A man of such talent, recognized throughout the world, recognized especially in the country that arrests him — all this is not very pleasant,” French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner said. The fact that authorities picked him up when he landed in Zurich to accept an industry award aggravates the ire. “It seems inadmissible,” reads one petition signed by scores of filmmakers and actors, almost all of them men, “that an international cultural event, paying homage to one of the greatest contemporary filmmakers, is used by the police to apprehend him.” Polanski’s supporters point out it has been 32 years since the crime, during which he has given the world some of the most haunting and emotionally provocative films made. Fearing Judge As for running from the law, a 2008 documentary reported he did so because he had reason to fear a showboating sentencing judge would reject the prosecution’s recommendation for probation. And while we’re getting this part of the argument out of the way, let me add that spending government resources, especially California’s sparse ones, pursuing a 32-year-old case which the victim wants dismissed, hardly seems wise. But the rest of the facts are these. Polanski, then 44, took a 13-year-old girl to Jack Nicholson’s house for a photo shoot when the actor was absent. There, Polanski gave her Champagne, a Quaalude, took a dip in a hot tub with her and had sex with her. More specifically, he raped her twice and performed oral sex, against her protests, however meek, “because I was afraid of him,” she told a grand jury. You can’t read her testimony without realizing how young she was and how malleable to suggestion from this accomplished man 31 years older than she. He should have done time, and lots of it, for taking advantage of her like he did. Guilty Plea But the girl, Samantha Gailey (now Samantha Geimer), wanted to avoid a trial, so Polanski admitted guilt to illegal intercourse and the prosecutor dropped the other five charges. He spent 42 days in jail, which would have been his entire punishment under an agreement his lawyer worked out with the district attorney. But Judge Laurence Rittenband was overheard the day before sentencing bragging at his country club that he would send Polanski away for the rest of his life, according to the documentary. So the director left his Mercedes at Los Angeles International Airport and fled to his native France, where he holds dual citizenship and where he has lived the past three decades. So let’s say the now-dead judge let his love of publicity overtake his sense of justice. Rittenband’s interviews with reporters while the case was pending and his remarks at the country club would surely have been grounds for removing him from the case. In fact, Rittenband was eventually kicked off the still- open case. Public Interest The scarier thing for Polanski would have been that even a wise judge would have been well within his legal authority to reject the plea deal, which is, after all, an agreement between opposing sides. Just because adversaries agree doesn’t mean the deal is in the public’s interest. That is why we have judges. And that is why U.S. District Judge Jed Rakoff threw out a $33 million settlement between the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Bank of America Corp., for example. And from a criminal justice perspective, you have to pause at the leniency of a 42-day sentence for sex with a 13-year-old girl, made more vulnerable by drugs and alcohol. Samantha Geimer has told reporters she long ago got over the trauma and wishes the prosecution would drop the case. Representing the People Prosecutors should consider victims’ wishes but not be dictated by them. The district attorney represents the people of the state, not any one victim. Besides, Polanski was arrested and held for extradition specifically because he fled the reach of the law, not because of the underlying crime. And that is a slap in the face to the whole system. Yes, the system is flawed. And you can’t blame Polanski for wanting to just leave. The ghoulish coverage of the murder of his first wife, Sharon Tate, and the media orgy that followed his sex crime no doubt was intolerable. Besides, he had already lived as a fugitive under more difficult circumstances, fleeing a Polish ghetto as a child after his mother’s death in Auschwitz. The shame is that it has taken this long to sort everything out. The blame for that lies with Polanski for refusing to answer for evading the law. Celebrate the man’s talent, honor his contributions to filmmaking. However gifted he is, Polanski’s art can’t serve as a reason to ignore his terrible crime or his refusal to answer for it. ( Ann Woolner is a Bloomberg News columnist. The opinions expressed are her own.) To contact the writer of this column: Ann Woolner in Atlanta at awoolner@bloomberg.net .

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Why Authorities Haven’t Been Able To Stop The Growth Of "Foreclosure Rescue" Scams

September 24, 2009

By Paul Kiel, ProPublica This story was produced by ProPublica under a Creative Commons license. During the go-go years of the real estate bubble, shady mortgage brokers [3] thrived, thanks to the sluggish response of regulators and law enforcement agencies. Amid the ruins of the crash, there’s a new boom attracting unscrupulous mortgage professionals: “Foreclosure rescue” companies promising — in exchange for a large up-front fee — to persuade lenders to modify desperate homeowners’ mortgages. And authorities are again finding themselves ill-equipped to deal with the deluge. In a giant game of whack-a-mole, law enforcement agencies at all levels across the country have filed suit against 150 such companies, but they continue to proliferate, and the number of consumer complaints continues to rise. “This is a very big scam,” says California Attorney General Jerry Brown. “They’re all over the place, and as soon as you get one, they migrate to somewhere else.” The case of one particularly aggressive firm, 21st Century Legal Services, shows just how ineffective authorities’ moves against the companies often are. Four states have sued 21st Century, and at least three more have open investigations. Over 150 consumers from more than 30 states have filed complaints against 21st Century with the Better Business Bureau. No active firm has more complaints. Yet the company forges on. Operating under a new name, Fidelity National Legal Services, it continues to solicit consumers nationwide, even in states where authorities have won court injunctions. Homeowners do not have to pay a company to negotiate on their behalf: they can always contact their mortgage servicer directly for a loan modification, at no cost. But consumers often find the process frustrating [4]. For those who want guidance, nonprofit housing counselors approved by the Department of Housing and Urban Development [5] will help for free. Consumers should especially be wary of companies charging up-front fees or touting guarantees. The Illinois attorney general says that her office has yet to see any such company operate within the boundaries of state law. Deception seems to be at the heart of the business model. Internal e-mails [6] from an Anaheim-based firm sued in July by the Federal Trade Commission alongside the states of California and Missouri reveal a boiler-room sales operation where management motivated its “counselors” with commissions and “Rolex races.” When the company’s operations manager wrote that the firm ought to inform clients that it couldn’t stop foreclosure, a sales manager, Feisal Cortez, replied [6]: “If we say ‘WE DO NOT STOP FORECLOSURE’ we are going to lose 75% of our business. If they implement this verbage (sic) in customer service … excuse my language but WE’RE FUCKED!” The ongoing suit charges that the company, US Foreclosure Relief, and eight associated firms deceived consumers. Steve Krongold, the lawyer for the firm’s owner, said there were “a couple errant rogue salespeople who lied in e-mails and on calls,” but that the company had been making progress in modifying its customers’ loans when a court order in the case this summer allowed authorities to take control of the company. Real estate professionals and mortgage brokers are the driving force behind the boom. Indeed, some of the same brokers who stoked the housing boom are now making their living off homeowners stuck in the sort of toxic loans they peddled. “The mortgage brokerage business dried up, and so the same loans that they went out and originated, they’re coming in to try and modify,” said Thomas McNamara, a former prosecutor appointed by the federal court to assess US Foreclosure Relief’s business. Take the case of the Southern California-based 21st Century Legal Services, and its president, Andrea Ramirez. In a lawsuit filed in federal court in California, former clients have accused Ramirez, then working as a mortgage broker, of fabricating documentation to support their application in 2006 for an adjustable-rate loan they couldn’t afford. Susan McClanahan and her husband say that it was only after they signed their loan documents that they discovered the application misstated their income and assets. They also found that Ramirez had included in their application a letter from a James C. Henry, who claimed to have prepared the couple’s income tax returns for the past 11 years. (Henry told us he hadn’t written the letter and said his only contact with Ramirez came when he prepared her returns a few years ago.) Ramirez did not respond to multiple requests for comment. Ramirez’s lawyer, Kathleen Moreno, responded only with a statement that she’d been “informed of hundreds of positive statements regarding [21st Century's] services.” Since no one from 21st Century or Fidelity National Legal Services would answer questions about the company, it’s impossible to verify such a claim. It does appear, however, that the company hasn’t even been able to prevent foreclosures for its own employees. Ruby Encina, a close business associate of Ramirez, was foreclosed on and declared bankruptcy in July. In her bankruptcy petition, she listed her occupation as “Customer Service,” 21st Century Legal Services. Encina could not be reached for comment. In nearly a dozen interviews, recent clients of 21st Century Legal Services told the same story over and over again. Loan mod firms pull in clients via TV, radio, direct mail, Web sites, e-mail, and phone calls. 21st Century has used all of these avenues, but it has been most persistent in directly calling struggling homeowners. One homeowner complained that the firm had been calling three or four times each day. 21st Century’s pitch is particularly alluring, because it goes even beyond a guarantee to provide the “proposed loan modification.” All of its potential clients get this letter [7], which goes so far as to detail what the new monthly payment (based on a rock-bottom interest rate ranging from 3.25 percent to 4.5 percent) will be and when it will start. Some think 21st Century is offering a refinancing. An undercover tape (MP3 [8], transcript [9]), made by the North Carolina attorney general’s office shows a 21st Century salesman in action [9]. Over the course of the 18-minute phone call, the rep, who refused to give his full name, threw everything he had at his mark, from “30-year fixed or whatever kind of fix you need” to criticizing all those misguided homeowners who’ve tried to modify their loans “for free.” Homeowners have paid the company anywhere between $1,200 and $6,700, depending on the size of their mortgage (or, sometimes, two mortgages). Many customers of 21st Century say they were told to stop mortgage payments. The company also instructs its clients not to contact their lenders about a modification, because “providing details regarding your modification to your lender may compromise the negotiation process,” as a “Disclaimer Notice” given to clients [10] puts it. It’s often months before homeowners learn that 21st Century made no attempt to negotiate on their behalf. Sometimes, that discovery comes via a foreclosure notice. When customers try to recoup their money, they’re given the runaround. One scammed homeowner in North Carolina said she’d called 21st Century 30 times trying to get a refund. After countless calls to 21st Century, Debbie Merritt of Collingswood, N.J., still hasn’t gotten her roughly $1,600 back. “Now when we get things in the mail that say ‘we can get you a modification,’ we just throw it away,” Merritt says. ProPublica’s numerous attempts to get someone from 21st Century to answer questions about the company were fruitless. We were told management was busy with clients or everyone was in an “important meeting,” or we were promised that someone would call in 10 minutes. No one ever did. The company has been similarly reluctant to answer questions from other news outlets – with the exception of NBC affiliate WCNC in North Carolina [11]. A reporter at the station spoke with a man who identified himself as Mike Nehmeh, a lawyer at 21st Century. Nehmeh denied that the company had told any of its customers to stop their mortgage payments and called those who’d demanded a refund “crybabies.” Nehmeh did not respond to our calls for comment. 21st Century has attracted plenty of attention from authorities, so how is it that despite all the letters, lawsuits and court injunctions, the company continues to operate? The fight against 21st Century and companies like it has been largely left to state law enforcement agencies, which have limited means and powers to stop them. Federal, state and local authorities have mainly attacked the problem through a combination of attempts to boost consumer awareness and through lawsuits, which typically seek to stop the company from operating in a single state. In April and again in September, the heads from HUD, the FTC, the Treasury and the Justice Department, along with state attorneys general, met and held press conferences about the “foreclosure rescue” boom. Collectively, the states have investigated at least 500 companies and filed at least 150 suits, according to statistics gathered by a working group of attorneys general. The FTC has filed suit against 22 companies since February 2008. By the end of July, court injunctions prevented 21st Century from operating in Arkansas, North Carolina, Ohio and Indiana. Yet it has largely ignored the injunctions. In three of the states – Arkansas, Indiana and Ohio — it has continued to operate, just under the new name Fidelity National Legal Services. Fidelity is registered at the same address as 21st Century. Its pitch letter to consumers [7] is identical to 21st Century’s. It even appears to share the same employees. The Arkansas Securities Department has filed three separate actions after court orders failed to stop solicitations in the state, the third filed against Fidelity National. Finally, this month, a judge permanently banned 21st Century from the state and ordered the company to pay $130,000 in fines. But it is difficult for Arkansas to pursue a California-based company, even to enforce a court-ordered fine. Currently, only about half of states have laws that impose constraints on “foreclosure rescue operations,” according to a July report from the National Consumer Law Center. These typically ban up-front payments. The FTC is currently considering proposing a rule that would ban up-front fees to “foreclosure rescue” companies nationwide. In a comment letter [12] to the FTC about the proposed rule, the National Association of Attorneys General said it would “provide a means to end piecemeal enforcement actions.” Deborah Hagan, the chief of the Illinois attorney general’s Consumer Protection Division, says such a rule would allow state law enforcement to obtain nationwide injunctions against firms like 21st Century in federal court, pool resources with other states, and make judgments easier to enforce. Many “foreclosure rescue” companies such as 21st Century also use a loophole that allows attorneys to collect up-front fees. “All that stuff on the news about fraudulent companies asking for money up-front is a bunch of garbage,” says the 21st Century salesman on the undercover tape [9]. “We ask for a percentage up-front because it’s a retainer fee for our attorney.” Many state laws, including California’s, have such an exemption. The National Association of Attorneys General has urged that all up-front fees should be barred without exception for lawyers or anyone else. Hagan said such a blanket ban would help send consumers a clear message that up-front fees are a red flag. An FTC spokesman said he couldn’t say when the FTC might issue its rule. Meanwhile, authorities say that the number of consumer complaints about these firms continue to rise. The boom dates to at least 2007, said Alison Southwick of the Better Business Bureau, when the BBB issued its first warning about “foreclosure rescue” companies. “At the time, there were a handful of companies that were producing hundreds of complaints across the country,” says Southwick, but since then, there’s been an explosion. “Now we’re seeing hundreds and hundreds of companies producing a handful of complaints each.” More than 730 foreclosure rescue firms have set up shop in Southern California alone, according to the BBB. Southwick and others attribute the success of the firms mainly to the increase in delinquencies and foreclosures. But consumer advocates also say the failure of mortgage servicers to deal with the volume of troubled homeowners has helped drive consumers to foreclosure rescue firms such as 21st Century. “For people who are desperate, who’ve tried and tried to contact their servicer, this type of scam can get some traction,” says O. Max Gardner III, a bankruptcy lawyer in North Carolina. “At least you’re talking to a real person.” “Because of the vulnerability of homeowners facing foreclosure, they’re easy pickings for those who would exploit the situation,” says Brown, the California attorney general. In August, his office unveiled a Loan Modification Fraud Web site [13], complete with consumer tips to avoid being scammed. It also demanded that 27 loan consultants, 21st Century among them, justify suspect marketing claims. Brown says 21st Century hasn’t responded to the order. Emily Witt contributed reporting to this story.

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Mike Elk: 2.5 Million Green Jobs Lost From the Bailout Bonuses Alone: Escaping the Wall Street Economy of Debt

September 19, 2009

This week on the anniversary of the financial crisis, there has been a flurry of talk about the bailout. We often talk about the bailout in terms of the increase in the national debt and the lack of transparency at major banks. Rarely do we discuss it in terms of the jobs and opportunities lost as a result of it. This bailout was literally financed on the backs of working-class people, since it cost $6,500 per family. However, it has done little to help working-class people, as the “Bailout Watchdog” Neil Barofsky has pointed out several times in detailed analyses . His and Elizabeth Warren’s work show that most of the money from the bailout went to acquiring smaller banks and paying off debts, and did little to promote the lending necessary to put people back to work and get the economy moving again. Why not take $700 billion and invest in stuff that literally gives people jobs? $32 billion was spent on bonuses alone, and created relatively few jobs. The money from those bonuses contributed nothing to our economy and, instead, went toward lining Swiss bank accounts and the harbors of West Hampton . On the other hand, the IMPACT Act, which costs only $30 billion, would create 2.5 million green jobs and jump-start our new green economy . The IMPACT Act would do this by providing loans to small manufacturers – the type of businesses that have had trouble getting them from the big banks we bailed out. The government would provide loans directly to businesses that intend to create jobs, instead of to bankers that use the money for little other than living lives of luxury most of us could hardly imagine. With just $30 billion ,almost equal than the amount the government gave away in the form of executive bonuses, we could create 2.5 million jobs in manufacturing, erasing the nearly two million manufacturing jobs that have been lost since the recession began in 2007 . Imagine what we could do to our economy with 700 billion dollars? We wouldn’t be talking about unemployment; we would be talking about companies having trouble finding enough workers. We responded to the financial system’s crisis by propping it up. Why not prop up manufacturing, which has been disappearing at a stunning rate from this country over the last 30 years? Manufacturing is the real backbone of our economy, not speculation and mounting up huge cycles of debt. As author Dave Johnson has argued, you either manufacture or borrow ( until you can’t anymore ): When it comes down to it, you can’t have a healthy service sector unless you are manufacturing items to sell and trade. You can’t pay for the restaurant bill or the insurance or the hotel room or the lawyer or even the doctor if you don’t make something to sell and trade. And you can’t keep buying the things made elsewhere. You can only borrow for so long. Unlike almost every country, the United States has no real current policy to promote domestic manufacturing. When Italy bailed out Fiat, they did on the condition that Fiat would commit to keeping its factories in Italy open . When we bailed out GM, we did it on the condition that they move factories to Mexico . As President Obama has said repeatedly , we can’t go back to a country built on 40 percent of the profit coming from finance. Otherwise, we will slip into a cycle in which we are constantly investing in financial bubbles in order to produce wealth. The only winners we have seen in this cycle are the CEOs of big banks. Average workers will always be the losers. If American people wish to make it as a country, we must make something.

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Judges Punish Wall Street Over Excesses as Regulators Talk About Reforms

September 8, 2009

By Cary O’Reilly and Linda Sandler Sept. 8 (Bloomberg) — As the White House and Congress debate how to regulate financial firms to avoid another economic crisis, judges have assumed the point position in punishing Wall Street for causing the worst recession since the 1930s. The executive and legislative branches have been discussing reforms such as more regulation of hedge funds and transparency for derivatives as a response to the financial crisis that began a year ago. As that battle with a reluctant Wall Street inches forward about how to prevent another disaster, judges are taking the first steps toward the same goal, punishing executives and issuing rulings with national impact. Last week, U.S. District Judge Shira Scheindlin threw out a key free-speech defense that credit raters had used for years to thwart investors’ fraud suits, knocking $1.5 billion off the market value of Moody’s Investors Service Inc. and the parent of Standard & Poor’s LLC. “Judges have lifetime appointments and are freer to act on their conscience than regulators,” said Charles Elson , chair of the University of Delaware’s corporate-governance center. Judges can act more decisively than regulators or politicians because they’re “insulated from the political process,” he said. Free from the pressures of lobbyists, judges typically refrain from showing emotion or expressing opinions during court proceedings to appear impartial. During sentencings in criminal cases, they sometimes let their hair down about their feelings about the damage Wall Street firms or their executives did. In sentencing imprisoned con man Bernard Madoff June 29 to the maximum penalty of 150 years in prison, U.S. District Judge Denny Chin described Madoff’s crimes as “extraordinarily evil.” He made the sentences of Madoff’s various offenses run consecutively, rather than the more common concurrent method. Six Times Longer The sentence was six times longer than those of the chief executives of Enron Corp. and WorldCom Inc. after they were convicted of fraud. “This was not merely a bloodless financial crime that occurred on paper but one that took a staggering toll,” Chin told Madoff in a courtroom filled with victims who spoke before his sentencing. “The breach of trust here was massive.” Frank DiPascali , Madoff’s chief financial officer, got harsh treatment too even though he was helping prosecutors incriminate Madoff’s other co-conspirators. After pleading guilty in August to helping his boss carry out a $65 billion Ponzi scheme, he was immediately sent to jail as a flight risk by U.S. District Judge Richard Sullivan . The judge ignored a request by prosecutors to grant DiPascali bail to make it easier for him to cooperate than if behind bars. ‘Completely Dwarfed’ The proposed bail was “completely dwarfed by the amount of restitution and forfeiture in this case,” the judge said at an Aug. 12 hearing. “It would seem that a $2.5 million bond package thrown on top of that mountain doesn’t count for much.” Former Monster Worldwide Inc. Chief Operating Officer James Treacy , who had proposed no prison time for what his lawyer called a “technical” crime, was sentenced to two years in jail for improperly accounting for backdated stock options. U.S. District Judge Jed Rakoff called Treacy’s conduct, which prosecutors said earned him at least $14.5 million, “appalling.” “It is disgusting that this practice went on,” Rakoff said at a Sept. 3 hearing in Manhattan. Tough sentences like those for Madoff and Treacy “are going to be the way for a while,” said James Cox, a professor of law at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina. “If we’re serious about protecting investors and consumers, we have to understand it’s individuals not entities who commit violations and should be hung out to dry,” he said. ‘Culture of Corruption’ After a jury found Eric Butler , a former Credit Suisse Group AG broker, guilty of securities fraud on Aug. 18, U.S. District Judge Jack Weinstein in Brooklyn told lawyers on both sides that, in their sentencing briefs, they should put Butler’s acts in the context of “how pernicious and pervasive was the culture of corruption” on Wall Street that “brought our financial system to its knees.” Judges are also demanding more accountability from regulators and are urging rule changes to punish wrongdoers. Rakoff last month refused to sign off on Bank of America Corp.’s $33 million settlement with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission over bonus disclosures. After an initial explanation that the executives in question relied on lawyers’ advice in not disclosing bonus information, Rakoff demanded a fuller explanation of the deal by Sept. 9. $3.6 Billion in Bonuses The settlement would resolve claims that Bank of America didn’t tell investors it had agreed to let Merrill Lynch & Co. pay as much as $3.6 billion in employee bonuses and incentives. Rakoff asked whether the lawyers who made “decisions that resulted in a false proxy statement” should be “held legally responsible.” Calls to Scheindlin’s and Rakoff’s chambers seeking comment were not returned. U.S. District Judge Gerald Lynch urged Congress in a recent ruling in Manhattan to revisit a 1995 rule that authorizes the SEC — but not private parties — to sue those who aided or abetted a fraud. Under current law, he said he was forced to dismiss a lawsuit in March that was filed by investors seeking to recoup losses from Joseph Collins , a former lawyer for Refco Inc. The futures trader firm went bankrupt after hundreds of millions in hidden debt was found. “It is perhaps dismaying that participants in a fraudulent scheme who may even have committed criminal acts are not answerable in damages to the victims of the fraud,” Lynch said. No Lobbyists Judges aren’t targeted by lobbyists to influence their rulings the way the other branches of government are. They aren’t paid much either compared with the defendants who come before them. The Chief Justice of the United States makes $217,400 — about the same as a junior lawyer at a large New York law firm — and all other U.S. judges make less. Judges in Ohio and Pennsylvania have taken unprecedented actions to slow or prevent foreclosures by Wall Street banks as the impact of the recession, including loss of jobs, made it impossible for homeowners to make mortgage payments — sometimes on homes whose values dropped to less than the amount borrowed. U.S. District Judge Christopher Boyko kicked off the trend of no longer rubber-stamping big banks’ foreclosure requests. In Cleveland in October 2007, he ruled that Deutsche Bank AG couldn’t foreclose on 14 properties because it couldn’t come up with the paperwork to prove it owned the delinquent loans, which had been pooled for a securitization. On the Hot Seat More recently, in August, U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Randolph Haines summoned a Wells Fargo & Co. executive to Phoenix so a bankrupt homeowner could cross-examine him about why his bank had taken months to respond to her request to modify her loan. The homeowner, Bobbi Jean Giguere, wrote the judge after the bank refused to talk with her unless she hired a lawyer, an expense she said she couldn’t afford. She said the bank told her “to abandon her home.” “I can’t do this mentally, emotionally or financially at the time,” she wrote the judge, according to a court filing. “It is and has been my goal to save the home. But I am getting nowhere with Wells Fargo.” After the cross-examination, the judge blocked any foreclosure while authorizing a modification of her mortgage. To contact the reporter on this story: Cary O’Reilly in Washington at caryoreilly100@yahoo.com ; Linda Sandler in New York at lsandler@bloomberg.net .

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Former Met Lenny Dykstra Accused of Taking $40,000 Stove After Bankruptcy

September 3, 2009

By Linda Sandler and Aaron Kuriloff (Corrects property’s value in 10th paragraph.) Sept. 3 (Bloomberg) — Lenny Dykstra , who helped the New York Mets win the World Series in 1986, was accused of taking goods from his home including a $40,000 French stove two weeks before a bankruptcy judge appointed a trustee to oversee his finances. Fixtures and furniture were “removed and presumably sold” by the former Major League Baseball All-Star, who filed for bankruptcy in July, according to court papers filed by the mortgage lender Index Investors LLC, a creditor in the case. U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Geraldine Mund in Los Angeles said this week she will appoint a trustee who will assess prospects for Dykstra to lead a reorganization, said Bruce Speiser, a lawyer for Index Investors, which asked the court to let creditors liquidate the ballplayer’s assets instead. A person in bankruptcy isn’t allowed to dispose of assets. Some do it anyway. Prosecutors of jailed con man Bernard Madoff , whose company is under trusteeship in U.S. Bankruptcy Court, said he mailed items including a diamond bracelet and watches to family in violation of a court-ordered asset freeze. Dykstra was “apparently in the process of stripping furnishings, fixtures and equipment from the estate property,” Index Investors said in an Aug. 19 court memorandum, “doubtlessly to fuel his lifestyle at the expense of his creditors.” Gretzky’s Old House Wayne Gretzky , a Hall of Fame hockey player who’s now a coach and team part-owner, sold Dykstra the house in Thousand Oaks, California, for $17.4 million, Dykstra said in court papers. Gretzky bought the La Cornue range for $51,750 including tax and freight, Index Investors said in its court filing. Jonathan Hayes, a lawyer for Dykstra, didn’t immediately return a call and e-mail seeking comment. Dykstra told ESPN.com in April he was worth $60 million. His July bankruptcy petition listed debt of $10 million to $50 million. He owed JPMorgan Chase & Co. $12.9 million, according to the filing, and Bank of America Corp.’s Countrywide and credit-card units a combined $4.2 million. Dykstra’s Aug. 10 court declaration said after the bankruptcy he was required by family law court to turn over his $5,700 monthly pension from Major League Baseball to his wife, Terri, who filed to dissolve the marriage. He has had no other income since the bankruptcy filing, his lawyer said in court papers. Second House Has Mold The Dykstra’s 17,000 square-foot Thousand Oaks residence, which he valued at as much as $20 million in court papers, has three guest houses. JPMorgan has the first priority mortgage and Index Investors, which is owed $900,000, has the second and third- priority mortgages, he said. Dykstra valued a second 8,000-square-foot house in Westlake Village, California, bought in 1999, at as much as $8 million even though it has a “water leak and mold caused by the leak,” he said. Countrywide has a $4 million first priority mortgage on it and a second lien is held by Wachovia Home Mortgage, he said. He filed for bankruptcy to stop Index Investors from holding “a scheduled illegal foreclosure sale,” he said. The lender subsequently asked the court to let it start foreclosing, and to convert Dykstra’s Chapter 11 proceedings to a Chapter 7 liquidation. Dykstra opposed the motion in court, saying he has tried to co-operate with the lender, to reinstitute his interrupted insurance on the house and find a buyer. The buyer “actually entered into a purchase agreement to buy it for $23 million” before withdrawing from the deal, he said. Reclaim a Porsche Porsche Financial Service Inc. asked this week for permission to reclaim a 2009 Porsche Cayenne S, a sport-utility vehicle. Dykstra, 46, known as “Nails” by fans for his aggressive playing style, became an entrepreneur after injuries ended his career, opening a chain of car washes, a subscription Web site that offered stock picks and The Players Club. The ballplayer owes almost $1 million to jet charter services, about $342,000 to the lawyer Daniel Petrocelli and $229,000 to the literary agent David Vigliano . Dykstra broke into the major leagues in 1985 with the Mets and helped the team win a World Series title the following season. He joined the Phillies in 1989, and four years later finished second to Barry Bonds in National League Most Valuable Player Award voting as he helped the franchise reach the World Series. Dykstra had a career .285 batting average with 81 home runs and 404 runs batted in. The case is In re Lenny Kyle Dykstra , 09-18409, U.S. Bankruptcy Court, Central District of California (San Fernando Valley). To contact the reporter on this story: Linda Sandler in New York at lsandler@bloomberg.net ; Aaron Kuriloff in New York at akuriloff@bloomberg.net .

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Milan Swaps Under Criminal Probe by Prosecutor Pursuing Banks

August 27, 2009

By Vernon Silver and Elisa Martinuzzi Aug. 27 (Bloomberg) –In June 2005, Milan’s city council voted to hire four banks to arrange Europe’s biggest-ever municipal bond sale at a fee of just 0.01 percent. That minuscule cost puzzled one councilman. “I had a hunch something was wrong,” says Basilio Rizzo, one of 14 politicians on the 60-member council who tried to change the deal after becoming suspicious of the banks’ motives. “Banks can’t do things for free.” Rizzo was onto something. Depfa Bank Plc, now a unit of Hypo Real Estate Holding AG; Deutsche Bank AG; JPMorgan Chase & Co. ; and UBS AG charged Milan 168,532 euros ($239,189) to find investors for 1.69 billion euros of bonds — the promised 0.01 percent. That wasn’t all. As part of the deal, the same four banks were hired by the city to advise it on how to use the new bonds to restructure its existing debt in a way that would cut costs. The banks had two pieces of advice for Milan: First, the city could save money by buying interest-rate swaps, which are derivatives designed to keep monthly payments low as rates change. Second, the institutions best prepared to sell them those swaps were none other than the banks themselves. The four banks thus play four roles — as underwriters, advisers, swap dealers and counterparties in the derivative contracts. Undisclosed Fees The group of banks wrote in a June 3, 2005, letter that the bond issue would save Milan about 55 million euros over the 30- year life of the bonds. The firms never said what their fees on the swaps would be, public records show. Today, Milan faces so-called mark-to-market losses of 231 million euros on its swaps, according to council member Davide Corritore. In all, the city’s losses include at least 101 million euros in hidden fees, according to Milan prosecutor Alfredo Robledo , who’s investigating the swap deals. The fees were buried because they were built into swap interest rates without any written explanation, the prosecutor says. That 101 million euro price tag for Milan’s dealings with the four banks was 599 times the original figure of 0.01 percent for selling bonds and providing advice. Without seeking competitive bids, the city agreed on June 16, 2005, to let the four banks sell them swap contracts. Neither the new swap rates nor the costs associated with them had been part of the original vote by the city council. Seeking Indictment Robledo said in July he would ask Milan judges to indict Depfa, Deutsche Bank, JPMorgan, UBS and 14 individuals, including two city officials, on fraud charges in connection with the swap deals. He said the banks were bound by U.K. securities rules because their London-based bankers managed the transaction, which was signed in London. The banks violated regulations by failing to inform Milan in writing that for the swap deal the city was no longer a customer, but a counterparty to the banks, Robledo said. Banks are required to shield customers from conflicts of interest and provide them with clear and fair information that isn’t misleading. The banks had agreed to abide by those rules. The soured Milan swap deals are part of a string of such transactions that have stung local authorities. The Italian Finance Ministry, through its Financial Police unit, is examining contracts worth 9.11 billion euros signed by 46 cities and regions, according to a June 10 report. Global Phenomenon The city of Turin, combined with the surrounding region of Piedmont, had a total of 2 billion euros of swap contracts outstanding. Turin and Piedmont had lost 214 million euros combined on their swaps, according to Italy’s state-owned RAI television network. Italy’s tales of swaps, losses and conflicts of interest are part of a global phenomenon in which local governments have signed contracts they had hoped would lower their debt payments. In many cases, taxpayers later discovered the swap deals held risks and expenses that their elected and appointed officials didn’t expect or understand and that banks hadn’t disclosed. In September 2008, JPMorgan closed its municipal derivatives unit in New York almost two years after the U.S. Justice Department began its largest-ever criminal investigation of public financing. Prosecutors sent letters to five JPMorgan bankers saying they were likely to be indicted. No charges have been filed, and JPMorgan declined to comment. Jefferson County, Alabama, the state’s most populous county, has been on the verge of bankruptcy for more than a year because $3 billion in swaps meant to lower its borrowing costs backfired and credit ratings for its bond insurers were lowered. More Losses Italian government bodies with swap contracts, from mountaintop towns to entire regions, have so far seen losses on paper of at least 1.93 billion euros, according to data from the Rome-based Bank of Italy. After suffering losses, some countries, including Poland and the U.K., have restricted municipalities from engaging in derivative transactions. In mid-2008, Italy temporarily banned public derivative contracts. “Municipalities and local governments around the world have target signs painted on them for bankers,” says Satyajit Das , a former derivative banker at Citigroup Inc. and Merrill Lynch & Co. and author of “Traders, Guns & Money” (FT Press, 2006). “They’re generally not financially sophisticated, and they’re under pressure to raise money,” Das says. “And nobody in the derivative business is willing to actually be truthful.” Low Odds Cities and regions worldwide that have entered swap deals were bound to lose from the start, says Marcello Minenna. The head of quantitative analysis at Consob, Italy’s financial market regulator, Minenna holds a master’s degree in financial mathematics from New York’s Columbia University and a doctorate in applied math from Universita degli Studi di Brescia. He analyzed a typical municipal interest-rate-swap contract with terms that were representative of those issued around Italy in the past few years. He found the odds of a locality’s benefiting from such a deal on the day the contract was signed were 0.16 percent. Minenna, 37, showed how these likely day-one outcomes allow banks to build hidden fees into swap contracts and said banks could easily disclose them to clients. Banks included such hidden or implicit costs in swap contracts that Milan and other cities signed to switch fixed interest rates on loans to floating ones, Das says. Concealed Fees Banks that drafted the contracts were able to conceal the fees by calculating them into the new, variable yield . They also set limits on how high or low the rate could go, known as the cap and the floor. Interest-rate swaps require a municipality and bank to exchange payments as frequently as every month. Each participant in a swap contract is called a counterparty. Banks tell governments that swaps are intended to save the public money. The amounts that change hands are based on various global lending rates. Bankers set swap terms to their advantage without telling clients by using computer programs that project likely future rates that signal what the odds are of profiting from any combination of yields, floors and caps, Minenna says. “Even when interest rates change, the government entities don’t benefit from lower rates because of limits built into the contracts,” Minenna said at a June 12 presentation in Rome to Italian municipal administrators who’d gathered for a conference on derivatives. ‘Just Gets Worse’ “The local government’s position, in terms of the costs and the ability to renegotiate, just gets worse,” he said. To exit an unfavorable swap deal, a city has to pay its current liability from the contract to the bank. If a municipality sticks with the deal, it keeps paying predetermined rates that may be to its disadvantage. That’s the fix the Umbrian city of Polino, population 290, finds itself in. In 2005, it swapped an average fixed rate of 4.65 percent on its 547,367 euro loans for a variable rate that could go no lower than 4.3 percent and no higher than 7.16 percent. From the moment the hilltop town’s officials signed the contract, Polino was out 11,000 euros in an upfront fee that wasn’t disclosed in the agreement, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. When prevailing interest rates later decreased, the contract’s floor prevented the city from benefiting. The city has lost as much as 27,000 euros on the deal, which is the amount it would have to pay to cancel the contract. Stopped Payments For a city that size, that amount covers the cost of fixing and cleaning streets for a year. So the city decided not to pay the bank anything and await the outcome of the Milan dispute. Polino Mayor Ortenzio Matteucci says he agreed to the deal because other, bigger cities had entered into swap contracts. “I thought, ‘Can the Province of Terni and all the other municipalities bigger than us, such as Milan, all be wrong?’” says Matteucci, 59, a retired steelworker. The Milan case has led to a public swap showdown with hundreds of millions of euros at stake. The city sued the four banks in January, alleging they hid profits on the sales. And the Financial Police, acting on prosecutor Robledo’s behalf, seized 345 million euros in assets from the banks’ Italian accounts on April 27, pending resolution of the cases. Negotiated Return The banks have since negotiated the return of some of the assets after agreeing to a cash guarantee for an amount equal to each bank’s share of the 101 million euros in allegedly hidden profits from the swaps. Frankfurt-based Deutsche Bank and Zurich-based UBS argued in civil court in Milan that the city was aware of fees charged on contracts for derivatives. “The city of Milan was a sophisticated counterparty which fully understood the nature of its transactions with JPMorgan,” bank spokesman David Wells says. “We are vigorously defending the legal proceedings brought by the city and are confident that the strength of our legal position will ultimately be demonstrated through the judicial process,” he says. “JPMorgan further considers that the JPMorgan employees involved in the transactions acted with the highest degree of professionalism and entirely appropriately.” Deutsche Bank says it did nothing wrong. “We believe that our case is compelling and will prevail,” the bank says. “We are also confident that our employees involved in the transactions acted with integrity.” Market Rate The fact that Milan already had derivatives meant the city was sophisticated in such transactions, a lawyer representing UBS says. Milan officials understood the four banks’ potential conflicts of interest, and the banks gave the city a market rate for the swaps, the lawyer says. Officials at Munich-based Hypo Real Estate and officials for the city of Milan declined to comment. Milan’s recent journey through the opaque world of interest-rate swaps began in January 2005, when bankers from JPMorgan sent letters to the city suggesting ways to refinance Milan’s debt. At the time, Milan owed about 1.2 billion euros in variable-rate mortgages at an average cost of six-month Euribor plus 0.26 percent. It also held 524 million euros of fixed-rate mortgages at an average cost of 5.16 percent, according to transcripts of council meetings. Some of those mortgages were accompanied by swaps the city had entered into three years earlier with another bank, Milan- based UniCredit SpA , Italy’s biggest lender. Closing Swaps In letters to Giorgio Porta , Milan’s director general, JPMorgan bankers Antonia Creanza and Antonio Polverino argued the town could save money by selling new debt. JPMorgan said that would pay off the liability while taking into account the need to close previous swaps, court documents show. Robledo has said he’s also seeking to indict Porta for fraud and collusion for his role in helping to oversee the debt restructuring. A lawyer for Porta declined to comment. Robledo said in his asset seizure request that it’s significant that the banks’ early pitches discussed the process of unwinding old derivatives. Later correspondence, after Milan selected the four banks, didn’t discuss those costs — an omission the prosecutor says was part of the alleged fraud. As the banks’ proposals made their way from Porta to other members of the city’s governing council, or giunta, the elected officials chose to take advantage of the chance to save on their debt by pushing out payments over a longer time period. Re-Election The city was about 100 million euros short of its budget target that year after plans to sell a stake in Milan airport company SEA SpA had been blocked by a court. Giunta members were coming up for re-election the following year, and cutting expenses wasn’t a viable option, according to a January deposition by Porta. The city opted instead to refinance. On May 3, 2005, members of the giunta voted to hold a competitive tender to select banks for the refinancing. Citing the potential for savings from eliminating payments on existing debt, the giunta vowed to replace existing mortgages provided “the entire transaction is financially advantageous,” according to a deliberation cited by the prosecutor. The city gave banks a week to pitch for the role, city documents show. Milan judged the contenders based on experience in managing other municipal bond sales, as well as their fees for selling both 20- and 30-year debt. Didn’t Ask While the city also sought the banks’ derivatives credentials, it didn’t ask how much the swap contracts would cost the taxpayer. On May 20, bankers gathered at Milan’s Palazzo della Ragioneria, a municipal building across the road from La Scala Opera House, to hear the announcement of the winning bids, says council member Rizzo. Milan selected Depfa, Deutsche Bank, JPMorgan and UBS. All four agreed to charge the lowest fee that had been proposed, the 0.01 percent Depfa had bid, public records show. The next day, council member Rizzo, 62, a bespectacled, graying nuclear physicist who has served on the Milan council since 1983, started raising objections to the process. He told the council that the winning offer, with the 0.01 percent commission, was essentially free, so the process must be flawed. “I’d like to point out that in the coming three-year period, the benefit would be 174.1 million euros,” the late Mario Talamona, who was then Milan’s budget commissioner, told the city council, according to a transcript of the June 13, 2005, council meeting. ‘Who Will Run It?’ Rizzo remained skeptical, meeting records show. The following day, at a June 14 council session, he asked: “Will there be a tender for the swap? Who will run it? How will our counterparties be chosen? Wouldn’t it have been more useful to have a tender on that?” Rizzo now says, “There needs to be a separation between those that are advising the city’s administration and those who act as counterparties in derivative transactions.” The tiny commission should have raised a danger alert, says Piero Burragato, a former derivatives banker at Dresdner Kleinwort Benson and Nomura Holdings Inc. who hasn’t been involved in the Milan transactions. “An underwriting fee of 0.01 percent looks unreasonably low indeed, particularly so in relation to the underwriting risk of a fixed-rate, 30-year bond,” says Milan-based Burragato, who now advises companies on restructuring. Comparative Fees Similar deals in Italy in the same period have carried fees of 0.3 and 0.45 percent of the face value of the bonds. Without derivatives, the transaction couldn’t have been done. The 30-year bonds themselves needed swaps because Italian laws, intended to keep municipalities solvent, prohibit a city from pushing off its obligations so far into the future. What’s more, if Milan replaced its mortgages with a bond, the city would need to dispose of its existing swaps. When the banks gave Milan officials their overview of the deal’s financial benefit to the city, they didn’t mention the swaps, according to court records. The banks sold the bonds on June 24, 2005. That day, during a meeting at Deutsche Bank’s London office, Milan finance director Angela Casiraghi first learned the financial details of the swaps; the banks had never addressed potential losses, she says now. “They always said that the city, at the end of the 30 years, would have saved,” Casiraghi said in a Jan. 19, 2009, deposition in prosecutor Robledo’s investigation. ‘Never Showed’ “They never showed the potential problem of a negative mark-to-market,” meaning that based on current interest rates, Milan could lose money under the contract, forcing the city to pay the banks if they ever needed to exit the deal. Three days after the bond sale, Milan and the four banks signed the swap contracts related to the bonds. Three months later, as Milan used the bond proceeds to pay off its old mortgages, the four banks oversaw the second derivative deal: the unwinding of the swaps related to those old loans. At the time, those swaps had a value of 96 million euros in favor of the bank, UBI, a unit of UniCredit. To get out of the swaps, Milan would have to compensate UBI by that amount. The prosecutor hasn’t accused UniCredit of any wrongdoing. The city did it in parts: Milan paid UBI 20 million euros. The group of four banks absorbed 48 million euros, using extra, hidden fees it had taken from Milan in the bond-related swap contracts, prosecutor Robledo says. Hidden Cost And Milan paid off the final 28 million euros by rolling that debt over into another derivative contract with UBI, which charged the city 2 million euros, or 7.14 percent, in a new implicit fee, Robledo found. Robledo learned the amount of that hidden cost because he has access to the financial records of the Italian bank, which booked the implicit fee as revenue. In mid-2007, Robledo began his probe of the four banks, the bankers and some city employees. The prosecutor had been steeped in high-profile investigations before. He assisted former U.S. Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker in probing kickbacks in the United Nations oil-for-food scandal. And he has pursued a case against Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi for false accounting and embezzlement. The three-time premier has fought off the charges, which have been temporarily suspended, partly because allies in parliament passed an immunity law in 2008 shielding him from prosecution. Bellwether As Robledo prepares to bring the banks to trial, local government officials around Italy are watching the case as a potential bellwether, saying they hope it might lead to improved terms for their derivative deals. Magenta , a town of 25,000 residents just outside Milan, is one of many municipalities that have lost money on swap deals — and now is looking to its larger neighbor for help. In 2001, Magenta bought interest-rate swaps from Caboto Holding SIM SpA, which is now a unit of Milan-based Intesa Sanpaolo SpA , on 4.6 million euros in fixed-rate loans. Magenta then restructured the deal in 2005 and 2006, signing similar contracts with the same bank. “The problem is that there’s never been an adviser, and our contact at the bank essentially took on the role as our consultant,” says Diana Naverio, director general of the city of Magenta. “This is the conflict of interest that’s talked about. There was never an objective third party.” Crimp Plans Magenta has a mark-to-market loss of about 120,000 euros, according to Naverio, down from about 900,000 euros a year ago. The possibility of future losses may crimp the city’s ability to plan, says Luca Del Gobbo, Magenta’s mayor. In the past year, Magenta has sought to round up 19 municipalities from three northern provinces and consulted with a lawyer in efforts to force banks to renegotiate the current deals. “One town against the bank probably can’t get anything better,” Del Gobbo says. “But we’re banding together under the slogan we’ve adopted: ‘He who with harmful derivatives flourishes, with collective legal action perishes.’” What happens next — in Magenta or hundreds of other Italian cities — depends on Milan. Das, the former derivatives trader, says the four banks are likely to settle with Milan prosecutors. That agreement may leave swap practices worldwide unchanged. So, he says, he expects municipal officials will continue to hand over money to banks in deals they don’t understand. “Cities still think they can get money for nothing,” he says. “The bankers are laughing.” To contact the reporters on this story: Vernon Silver in Rome at vtsilver@bloomberg.net ; Elisa Martinuzzi in Milan at emartinuzzi@bloomberg.net

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Milan Rate Swaps Under Criminal Investigation by Prosecutor Pursuing Bank

August 27, 2009

By Vernon Silver and Elisa Martinuzzi Aug. 27 (Bloomberg) –In June 2005, Milan’s city council voted to hire four banks to arrange Europe’s biggest-ever municipal bond sale at a fee of just 0.01 percent. That minuscule cost puzzled one councilman. “I had a hunch something was wrong,” says Basilio Rizzo, one of 14 politicians on the 60-member council who tried to change the deal after becoming suspicious of the banks’ motives. “Banks can’t do things for free.” Rizzo was onto something. Depfa Bank Plc, now a unit of Hypo Real Estate Holding AG; Deutsche Bank AG; JPMorgan Chase & Co. ; and UBS AG charged Milan 168,532 euros ($239,189) to find investors for 1.69 billion euros of bonds — the promised 0.01 percent. That wasn’t all. As part of the deal, the same four banks were hired by the city to advise it on how to use the new bonds to restructure its existing debt in a way that would cut costs. The banks had two pieces of advice for Milan: First, the city could save money by buying interest-rate swaps, which are derivatives designed to keep monthly payments low as rates change. Second, the institutions best prepared to sell them those swaps were none other than the banks themselves. The four banks thus play four roles — as underwriters, advisers, swap dealers and counterparties in the derivative contracts. Undisclosed Fees The group of banks wrote in a June 3, 2005, letter that the bond issue would save Milan about 55 million euros over the 30- year life of the bonds. The firms never said what their fees on the swaps would be, public records show. Today, Milan faces so-called mark-to-market losses of 231 million euros on its swaps, according to council member Davide Corritore. In all, the city’s losses include at least 101 million euros in hidden fees, according to Milan prosecutor Alfredo Robledo , who’s investigating the swap deals. The fees were buried because they were built into swap interest rates without any written explanation, the prosecutor says. That 101 million euro price tag for Milan’s dealings with the four banks was 599 times the original figure of 0.01 percent for selling bonds and providing advice. Without seeking competitive bids, the city agreed on June 16, 2005, to let the four banks sell them swap contracts. Neither the new swap rates nor the costs associated with them had been part of the original vote by the city council. Seeking Indictment Robledo said in July he would ask Milan judges to indict Depfa, Deutsche Bank, JPMorgan, UBS and 14 individuals, including two city officials, on fraud charges in connection with the swap deals. He said the banks were bound by U.K. securities rules because their London-based bankers managed the transaction, which was signed in London. The banks violated regulations by failing to inform Milan in writing that for the swap deal the city was no longer a customer, but a counterparty to the banks, Robledo said. Banks are required to shield customers from conflicts of interest and provide them with clear and fair information that isn’t misleading. The banks had agreed to abide by those rules. The soured Milan swap deals are part of a string of such transactions that have stung local authorities. The Italian Finance Ministry, through its Financial Police unit, is examining contracts worth 9.11 billion euros signed by 46 cities and regions, according to a June 10 report. Global Phenomenon The city of Turin, combined with the surrounding region of Piedmont, had a total of 2 billion euros of swap contracts outstanding. Turin and Piedmont had lost 214 million euros combined on their swaps, according to Italy’s state-owned RAI television network. Italy’s tales of swaps, losses and conflicts of interest are part of a global phenomenon in which local governments have signed contracts they had hoped would lower their debt payments. In many cases, taxpayers later discovered the swap deals held risks and expenses that their elected and appointed officials didn’t expect or understand and that banks hadn’t disclosed. In September 2008, JPMorgan closed its municipal derivatives unit in New York almost two years after the U.S. Justice Department began its largest-ever criminal investigation of public financing. Prosecutors sent letters to five JPMorgan bankers saying they were likely to be indicted. No charges have been filed, and JPMorgan declined to comment. Jefferson County, Alabama, the state’s most populous county, has been on the verge of bankruptcy for more than a year because $3 billion in swaps meant to lower its borrowing costs backfired and credit ratings for its bond insurers were lowered. More Losses Italian government bodies with swap contracts, from mountaintop towns to entire regions, have so far seen losses on paper of at least 1.93 billion euros, according to data from the Rome-based Bank of Italy. After suffering losses, some countries, including Poland and the U.K., have restricted municipalities from engaging in derivative transactions. In mid-2008, Italy temporarily banned public derivative contracts. “Municipalities and local governments around the world have target signs painted on them for bankers,” says Satyajit Das , a former derivative banker at Citigroup Inc. and Merrill Lynch & Co. and author of “Traders, Guns & Money” (FT Press, 2006). “They’re generally not financially sophisticated, and they’re under pressure to raise money,” Das says. “And nobody in the derivative business is willing to actually be truthful.” Low Odds Cities and regions worldwide that have entered swap deals were bound to lose from the start, says Marcello Minenna. The head of quantitative analysis at Consob, Italy’s financial market regulator, Minenna holds a master’s degree in financial mathematics from New York’s Columbia University and a doctorate in applied math from Universita degli Studi di Brescia. He analyzed a typical municipal interest-rate-swap contract with terms that were representative of those issued around Italy in the past few years. He found the odds of a locality’s benefiting from such a deal on the day the contract was signed were 0.16 percent. Minenna, 37, showed how these likely day-one outcomes allow banks to build hidden fees into swap contracts and said banks could easily disclose them to clients. Banks included such hidden or implicit costs in swap contracts that Milan and other cities signed to switch fixed interest rates on loans to floating ones, Das says. Concealed Fees Banks that drafted the contracts were able to conceal the fees by calculating them into the new, variable yield . They also set limits on how high or low the rate could go, known as the cap and the floor. Interest-rate swaps require a municipality and bank to exchange payments as frequently as every month. Each participant in a swap contract is called a counterparty. Banks tell governments that swaps are intended to save the public money. The amounts that change hands are based on various global lending rates. Bankers set swap terms to their advantage without telling clients by using computer programs that project likely future rates that signal what the odds are of profiting from any combination of yields, floors and caps, Minenna says. “Even when interest rates change, the government entities don’t benefit from lower rates because of limits built into the contracts,” Minenna said at a June 12 presentation in Rome to Italian municipal administrators who’d gathered for a conference on derivatives. ‘Just Gets Worse’ “The local government’s position, in terms of the costs and the ability to renegotiate, just gets worse,” he said. To exit an unfavorable swap deal, a city has to pay its current liability from the contract to the bank. If a municipality sticks with the deal, it keeps paying predetermined rates that may be to its disadvantage. That’s the fix the Umbrian city of Polino, population 290, finds itself in. In 2005, it swapped an average fixed rate of 4.65 percent on its 547,367 euro loans for a variable rate that could go no lower than 4.3 percent and no higher than 7.16 percent. From the moment the hilltop town’s officials signed the contract, Polino was out 11,000 euros in an upfront fee that wasn’t disclosed in the agreement, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. When prevailing interest rates later decreased, the contract’s floor prevented the city from benefiting. The city has lost as much as 27,000 euros on the deal, which is the amount it would have to pay to cancel the contract. Stopped Payments For a city that size, that amount covers the cost of fixing and cleaning streets for a year. So the city decided not to pay the bank anything and await the outcome of the Milan dispute. Polino Mayor Ortenzio Matteucci says he agreed to the deal because other, bigger cities had entered into swap contracts. “I thought, ‘Can the Province of Terni and all the other municipalities bigger than us, such as Milan, all be wrong?’” says Matteucci, 59, a retired steelworker. The Milan case has led to a public swap showdown with hundreds of millions of euros at stake. The city sued the four banks in January, alleging they hid profits on the sales. And the Financial Police, acting on prosecutor Robledo’s behalf, seized 345 million euros in assets from the banks’ Italian accounts on April 27, pending resolution of the cases. Negotiated Return The banks have since negotiated the return of some of the assets after agreeing to a cash guarantee for an amount equal to each bank’s share of the 101 million euros in allegedly hidden profits from the swaps. Frankfurt-based Deutsche Bank and Zurich-based UBS argued in civil court in Milan that the city was aware of fees charged on contracts for derivatives. “The city of Milan was a sophisticated counterparty which fully understood the nature of its transactions with JPMorgan,” bank spokesman David Wells says. “We are vigorously defending the legal proceedings brought by the city and are confident that the strength of our legal position will ultimately be demonstrated through the judicial process,” he says. “JPMorgan further considers that the JPMorgan employees involved in the transactions acted with the highest degree of professionalism and entirely appropriately.” Deutsche Bank says it did nothing wrong. “We believe that our case is compelling and will prevail,” the bank says. “We are also confident that our employees involved in the transactions acted with integrity.” Market Rate The fact that Milan already had derivatives meant the city was sophisticated in such transactions, a lawyer representing UBS says. Milan officials understood the four banks’ potential conflicts of interest, and the banks gave the city a market rate for the swaps, the lawyer says. Officials at Munich-based Hypo Real Estate and officials for the city of Milan declined to comment. Milan’s recent journey through the opaque world of interest-rate swaps began in January 2005, when bankers from JPMorgan sent letters to the city suggesting ways to refinance Milan’s debt. At the time, Milan owed about 1.2 billion euros in variable-rate mortgages at an average cost of six-month Euribor plus 0.26 percent. It also held 524 million euros of fixed-rate mortgages at an average cost of 5.16 percent, according to transcripts of council meetings. Some of those mortgages were accompanied by swaps the city had entered into three years earlier with another bank, Milan- based UniCredit SpA , Italy’s biggest lender. Closing Swaps In letters to Giorgio Porta , Milan’s director general, JPMorgan bankers Antonia Creanza and Antonio Polverino argued the town could save money by selling new debt. JPMorgan said that would pay off the liability while taking into account the need to close previous swaps, court documents show. Robledo has said he’s also seeking to indict Porta for fraud and collusion for his role in helping to oversee the debt restructuring. A lawyer for Porta declined to comment. Robledo said in his asset seizure request that it’s significant that the banks’ early pitches discussed the process of unwinding old derivatives. Later correspondence, after Milan selected the four banks, didn’t discuss those costs — an omission the prosecutor says was part of the alleged fraud. As the banks’ proposals made their way from Porta to other members of the city’s governing council, or giunta, the elected officials chose to take advantage of the chance to save on their debt by pushing out payments over a longer time period. Re-Election The city was about 100 million euros short of its budget target that year after plans to sell a stake in Milan airport company SEA SpA had been blocked by a court. Giunta members were coming up for re-election the following year, and cutting expenses wasn’t a viable option, according to a January deposition by Porta. The city opted instead to refinance. On May 3, 2005, members of the giunta voted to hold a competitive tender to select banks for the refinancing. Citing the potential for savings from eliminating payments on existing debt, the giunta vowed to replace existing mortgages provided “the entire transaction is financially advantageous,” according to a deliberation cited by the prosecutor. The city gave banks a week to pitch for the role, city documents show. Milan judged the contenders based on experience in managing other municipal bond sales, as well as their fees for selling both 20- and 30-year debt. Didn’t Ask While the city also sought the banks’ derivatives credentials, it didn’t ask how much the swap contracts would cost the taxpayer. On May 20, bankers gathered at Milan’s Palazzo della Ragioneria, a municipal building across the road from La Scala Opera House, to hear the announcement of the winning bids, says council member Rizzo. Milan selected Depfa, Deutsche Bank, JPMorgan and UBS. All four agreed to charge the lowest fee that had been proposed, the 0.01 percent Depfa had bid, public records show. The next day, council member Rizzo, 62, a bespectacled, graying nuclear physicist who has served on the Milan council since 1983, started raising objections to the process. He told the council that the winning offer, with the 0.01 percent commission, was essentially free, so the process must be flawed. “I’d like to point out that in the coming three-year period, the benefit would be 174.1 million euros,” the late Mario Talamona, who was then Milan’s budget commissioner, told the city council, according to a transcript of the June 13, 2005, council meeting. ‘Who Will Run It?’ Rizzo remained skeptical, meeting records show. The following day, at a June 14 council session, he asked: “Will there be a tender for the swap? Who will run it? How will our counterparties be chosen? Wouldn’t it have been more useful to have a tender on that?” Rizzo now says, “There needs to be a separation between those that are advising the city’s administration and those who act as counterparties in derivative transactions.” The tiny commission should have raised a danger alert, says Piero Burragato, a former derivatives banker at Dresdner Kleinwort Benson and Nomura Holdings Inc. who hasn’t been involved in the Milan transactions. “An underwriting fee of 0.01 percent looks unreasonably low indeed, particularly so in relation to the underwriting risk of a fixed-rate, 30-year bond,” says Milan-based Burragato, who now advises companies on restructuring. Comparative Fees Similar deals in Italy in the same period have carried fees of 0.3 and 0.45 percent of the face value of the bonds. Without derivatives, the transaction couldn’t have been done. The 30-year bonds themselves needed swaps because Italian laws, intended to keep municipalities solvent, prohibit a city from pushing off its obligations so far into the future. What’s more, if Milan replaced its mortgages with a bond, the city would need to dispose of its existing swaps. When the banks gave Milan officials their overview of the deal’s financial benefit to the city, they didn’t mention the swaps, according to court records. The banks sold the bonds on June 24, 2005. That day, during a meeting at Deutsche Bank’s London office, Milan finance director Angela Casiraghi first learned the financial details of the swaps; the banks had never addressed potential losses, she says now. “They always said that the city, at the end of the 30 years, would have saved,” Casiraghi said in a Jan. 19, 2009, deposition in prosecutor Robledo’s investigation. ‘Never Showed’ “They never showed the potential problem of a negative mark-to-market,” meaning that based on current interest rates, Milan could lose money under the contract, forcing the city to pay the banks if they ever needed to exit the deal. Three days after the bond sale, Milan and the four banks signed the swap contracts related to the bonds. Three months later, as Milan used the bond proceeds to pay off its old mortgages, the four banks oversaw the second derivative deal: the unwinding of the swaps related to those old loans. At the time, those swaps had a value of 96 million euros in favor of the bank, UBI, a unit of UniCredit. To get out of the swaps, Milan would have to compensate UBI by that amount. The prosecutor hasn’t accused UniCredit of any wrongdoing. The city did it in parts: Milan paid UBI 20 million euros. The group of four banks absorbed 48 million euros, using extra, hidden fees it had taken from Milan in the bond-related swap contracts, prosecutor Robledo says. Hidden Cost And Milan paid off the final 28 million euros by rolling that debt over into another derivative contract with UBI, which charged the city 2 million euros, or 7.14 percent, in a new implicit fee, Robledo found. Robledo learned the amount of that hidden cost because he has access to the financial records of the Italian bank, which booked the implicit fee as revenue. In mid-2007, Robledo began his probe of the four banks, the bankers and some city employees. The prosecutor had been steeped in high-profile investigations before. He assisted former U.S. Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker in probing kickbacks in the United Nations oil-for-food scandal. And he has pursued a case against Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi for false accounting and embezzlement. The three-time premier has fought off the charges, which have been temporarily suspended, partly because allies in parliament passed an immunity law in 2008 shielding him from prosecution. Bellwether As Robledo prepares to bring the banks to trial, local government officials around Italy are watching the case as a potential bellwether, saying they hope it might lead to improved terms for their derivative deals. Magenta , a town of 25,000 residents just outside Milan, is one of many municipalities that have lost money on swap deals — and now is looking to its larger neighbor for help. In 2001, Magenta bought interest-rate swaps from Caboto Holding SIM SpA, which is now a unit of Milan-based Intesa Sanpaolo SpA , on 4.6 million euros in fixed-rate loans. Magenta then restructured the deal in 2005 and 2006, signing similar contracts with the same bank. “The problem is that there’s never been an adviser, and our contact at the bank essentially took on the role as our consultant,” says Diana Naverio, director general of the city of Magenta. “This is the conflict of interest that’s talked about. There was never an objective third party.” Crimp Plans Magenta has a mark-to-market loss of about 120,000 euros, according to Naverio, down from about 900,000 euros a year ago. The possibility of future losses may crimp the city’s ability to plan, says Luca Del Gobbo, Magenta’s mayor. In the past year, Magenta has sought to round up 19 municipalities from three northern provinces and consulted with a lawyer in efforts to force banks to renegotiate the current deals. “One town against the bank probably can’t get anything better,” Del Gobbo says. “But we’re banding together under the slogan we’ve adopted: ‘He who with harmful derivatives flourishes, with collective legal action perishes.’” What happens next — in Magenta or hundreds of other Italian cities — depends on Milan. Das, the former derivatives trader, says the four banks are likely to settle with Milan prosecutors. That agreement may leave swap practices worldwide unchanged. So, he says, he expects municipal officials will continue to hand over money to banks in deals they don’t understand. “Cities still think they can get money for nothing,” he says. “The bankers are laughing.” To contact the reporters on this story: Vernon Silver in Rome at vtsilver@bloomberg.net ; Elisa Martinuzzi in Milan at emartinuzzi@bloomberg.net

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Schwab Vows Court Fight Against Cuomo in Auction Rate Securities Suit

August 18, 2009

By Bob Van Voris and Andrew M. Harris Aug. 18 (Bloomberg) — Charles Schwab Corp. , accused by New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo of deceiving customers about auction-rate securities, said Cuomo was letting the real culprits go and vowed the company will defend itself in court. Cuomo sued the San Francisco-based discount brokerage yesterday in state court in Manhattan, claiming it falsely described the securities as liquid investments without disclosing their risks. Schwab countered by accusing the attorney general of going too soft on the banks that underwrote the products. In a July 24 letter released yesterday, the firm said the state let underwriters including Citigroup Inc. , UBS AG and Goldman Sachs Group Inc. off the hook by settling claims related to the securities. “I do view it as a legitimate point by Schwab and other brokerage firms,” said Jay Ritter , a University of Florida finance professor. “For many years the auction-rate market had operated very smoothly. I don’t think many people envisioned that there was a scenario where the market would freeze up the way it did in the last two years.” It’s unfair for Cuomo’s office to try to force the brokerage to repurchase remaining securities held by its customers after dropping claims against the banks when they agreed to buy back more than $50 billion in debt from their retail customers, the company’s attorney, Faith Gay , wrote to David A. Markowitz , chief of Cuomo’s investor-protection bureau. “Schwab submits that, having released the real culprits from responsibility for their acts,” Cuomo is seeking to “shift that responsibility to Schwab,” the lawyer wrote. Cuomo’s Actions “The attorney general permitted the major Wall Street securities firms that controlled the ARS market to buy back ARS only from investors who held the securities at those firms rather than from all investors who owned ARS that those firms underwrote,” Gay wrote, referring to auction-rate securities. Gay, a New York partner of Los Angeles-based Quinn Emanuel Urquhart Oliver & Hedges LLP, also said Cuomo lacks jurisdiction over its customers outside New York state. The demand that Schwab “act as an insurer for an unprecedented market collapse” is legally unsound and unjust and “the company will vigorously defend itself in court,” Gay wrote. Alex Detrick , Cuomo’s press secretary, declined to comment on the Schwab letter. “We look forward to a fair hearing in court, and we’re confident that we will prevail when we have the chance to expose the workings of the Auction Rate Securities market completely rather than just through selective sound bites in the press,” Sarah Bulgatz , a spokeswoman for Schwab, said in an e-mail. Auction-rate securities are long-term debt, primarily issued by municipalities, with interest rates reset periodically through auctions. The $330 billion market collapsed last year as dealers stopped bidding to keep auctions from failing, leaving clients unable to sell their supposedly liquid investments. What Schwab Knew Schwab knew or should have known of “a steep decline in demand for auction rate securities in the last months of 2007,” the state said in its lawsuit. It asked that a court order it to repurchase the securities from investors and pay penalties and costs. “Schwab brokers repeatedly and persistently misrepresented the liquidity risks in auction-rate securities, comparing them to money market funds or certificates of deposit, selling auction-rates as suitable for cash management purposes, or otherwise telling customers they would always be able to retrieve their cash,” Cuomo’s office said in a statement. Cuomo, a Democrat and possible candidate for New York governor in next year’s election, has raised more campaign money than the current governor, David Paterson . The attorney general would lead Paterson among Democrats 61 percent to 15 percent in a primary as of June 24, a Quinnipiac University poll found. Customers’ Plight In February 2008, Schwab customers were left holding $789 million worth of the securities. That amount “has come down considerably” since then, Schwab spokesman Greg Gable said last month. Schwab’s efforts to avoid a settlement and charges related to the securities come after retail brokers Fidelity Investments and TD Ameritrade Inc. settled probes, agreeing to buy back $756 million in the securities from clients. Schwab blamed the Wall Street firms for creating, marketing and then abandoning the market. Cuomo said July 17 in a letter to the online brokerage New York might sue Schwab unless it provided investors “the liquidity they were promised” when they bought the securities. Schwab brokers “repeatedly misled investors about the risks of investing in auction-rate securities,” Markowitz said in the letter, citing recorded conversations between brokers and customers. Executives didn’t tell clients of reports they received in late 2007 that the auction-rate securities market was declining, Cuomo’s office said. Schwab’s Arguments Schwab argued that Cuomo’s “failure to acknowledge that Schwab and its customers were misled by the ARS underwriters” is one of the flaws of his investigation. One underwriter “continued to deceive Schwab and conceal critical information right up to its complete withdrawal from the auction market,” the brokerage said. Schwab said Cuomo’s office contacted its clients to urge them to complain, and took “one-sided testimony” at sessions where Schwab’s lawyers weren’t allowed to ask questions or get a transcript. Political strategist Hank Sheinkopf rejected the notion that Cuomo’s settlements with the investment firms that underwrote the auction rate securities had political motivation. ‘Nonsensical Garbage’ “It is nonsensical garbage. The public won’t believe it,” he said yesterday in a phone interview. The attorney general has done “everything possible” to not engage in political activity while holding that office, he said. “He’s just done his job,” the strategist said. “To accuse him of engaging in politics is just not fair not true.” The principal of New York-based Sheinkopf Communications, the strategist has worked on campaigns for former President Bill Clinton and former New York Attorney General Eliot Spitzer . He is also a consultant to New York City Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg , the founder and owner of Bloomberg LP, parent company of Bloomberg News. In the campaign for the 2002 Democratic Party gubernatorial primary, Sheinkopf worked for then-New York Comptroller H. Carl McCall , whose opponent was Cuomo. Cuomo dropped out of the race prior to the primary election. Schwab yesterday fell 87 cents to $17.39 at 4 p.m. in Nasdaq Stock Market trading. To contact the reporters on this story: Bob Van Voris in New York at rvanvoris@bloomberg.net ; Andrew M. Harris in Chicago at aharris16@bloomberg.net .

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Allen Stanford Protests Jail Cell He Shares Wth 10 Other Inmates

July 27, 2009

R. Allen Stanford, the Texas financier accused of directing a $7 billion Ponzi scheme, complained that his jail cell often lacks light and air conditioning. For the past week, Stanford, who’s in a cell in Conroe, Texas, with from eight to 10 other men, has endured heat and intermittent lack of power when outside temperatures reached 100 degrees Fahrenheit (38 Celsius) or more, his lawyer, Dick DeGuerin, said yesterday in a motion asking that his client be transferred to a downtown Houston jail.

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Dwek Laundered $3 Million With Rabbis in FBI Sweep Ensnaring Hoboken Mayor

July 24, 2009

By Oshrat Carmiel, Dunstan McNichol and Pat Wechsler July 23 (Bloomberg) — Solomon Dwek bribed a politician, arranged to buy a kidney and tried to hide assets from creditors in a bankruptcy — all with the blessing of prosecutors.

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Mumbai Gunman Confesses to November Terror Attack, Surprising Own Lawyer

July 20, 2009

By Sumit Sharma July 20 (Bloomberg) — Mohammed Ajmal Kasab , the lone surviving gunman from November’s attacks on Mumbai, confessed today to his role in the three-day raid after earlier denials, surprising the court hearing his trial and his lawyer. Pakistani national Kasab stood and sought permission to approach the bench, special public prosecutor Ujjwal Nikam said in India’s financial capital. He then said in Urdu that he wanted to plead guilty to the charges, Nikam said

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Mumbai Gunman Confesses to November Terror Attack, Surprising Own Lawyer

July 20, 2009

By Sumit Sharma July 20 (Bloomberg) — Mohammed Ajmal Kasab , the lone surviving gunman from November’s attacks on Mumbai, confessed today to his role in the three-day raid after earlier denials, surprising the court hearing his trial and his lawyer. Pakistani national Kasab stood and sought permission to approach the bench, special public prosecutor Ujjwal Nikam said in India’s financial capital. He then said in Urdu that he wanted to plead guilty to the charges, Nikam said.

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