security

Video: Jason Schenker Says $20 Premium Built Into Crude Prices

March 18, 2011

March 17 (Bloomberg) — Jason Schenker, president of Prestige Economics, and Richard Falkenrath, a principal at the Chertoff Group and a Bloomberg Television contributing editor, discuss the outlook for crude oil prices after the United Nations Security Council voted in favor of military action against Libya. They speak with Deirdre Bolton on Bloomberg Television’s “InsideTrack.” Schenker also talks about natural gas prices. (Source: Bloomberg)

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Video: Jason Schenker Says $20 Premium Built Into Crude Prices

March 18, 2011

March 17 (Bloomberg) — Jason Schenker, president of Prestige Economics, and Richard Falkenrath, a principal at the Chertoff Group and a Bloomberg Television contributing editor, discuss the outlook for crude oil prices after the United Nations Security Council voted in favor of military action against Libya. They speak with Deirdre Bolton on Bloomberg Television’s “InsideTrack.” Schenker also talks about natural gas prices. (Source: Bloomberg)

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Bill Whitmore: The Broad Spectrum of Workplace Violence

March 9, 2011

While news coverage of workplace shooting incidents defines the public consciousness of what “workplace violence” is, the true definition of workplace violence is far broader. While mass shootings represent the extreme apex of vicious acts, workplace violence is also defined as threats and other intimidation or harassing behavior directed toward a person at work. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, an average of 564 work-related homicides occurred each year in the United States from 2004 to 2008. The BLS reports that “most shootings occurred in the private sector (86 percent) whereas 14 percent of shootings occurred in government. Of the shootings within the private sector, 88 percent occurred within service-providing industries, mostly in trade, transportation and utilities.” Data on lesser forms of workplace intimidation is also troubling. A national survey on workplace bullying from Zogby International reported that about 54 million Americans report being bullied at work with an estimated 43,800 acts of harassment, bullying and other threatening behavior in the workplace every day. In addition to the societal impact of workplace violence, business leaders understand the impact that a workplace shooting could have on a brand’s reputation as well as the legal costs and declining employee morale and productivity that follow. However, all bullying behavior saps company efficiency, making a comprehensive workplace violence prevention program a bottom-line benefit to the organization. IOMA’s 2011 Report on Workplace Violence: Complete Guide to Managing Today’s and Tomorrow’s Threats defines workplace violence events as generally falling into one of four types of situations which include: • Criminal: “when the perpetrator has no legitimate relationship to the business or employees and is committing a crime in conjunction with violence” • Customer or client: “when the perpetrator has a legitimate relationship with the business and becomes violent while being served by the business” • Co-worker: “when the “perpetrator is an employee of the business, past employee or contractor who works as a temporary employee of the business” • Domestic violence: “when the perpetrator has no legitimate relationship to the business but has a personal relationship with the intended victim” All of the scenarios occur frequently in workplaces across the country, and the challenge of managing potential workplace violence goes far beyond any simple definitions of terms. According to a study done by the National Institute for Occupational Safety & Health, more than 70 percent of American workplaces do not have a formal program or policy in place to address workplace violence. To successfully battle workplace violence, organizations should develop an internal risk assessment and prevention plan. Workplace violence prevention plans cannot afford to be stagnant as the regulatory environment evolves and best practices continually advance. One of the most important things businesses can do is get in contact with local law enforcement agencies and their security team to work together on preventative planning so that everyone knows what to expect and what to do if workplace harassment or violence occurs. The integrated training and resources of the public and private security sectors aids in the facilitation of management training to help recognize the behaviors and symptoms of disgruntled workers which can lead to harassment, bullying and deadly active shooter scenarios. In addition to building those critical relationships, it is also essential that all employees understand that they play an active role in workplace violence prevention. Education and awareness are critical parts of this effort. The daily interactions of co-workers weigh heavily on the ability to identify potential issues before they become disasters. But your employees must be aware of the warning signs and know where to go for help. “Many of the security measures that can reduce the likelihood of violence — adding patrols, increasing visibility of security, training employees to be on the lookout for suspicious individuals — are the same ones that can reduce the likelihood of a successful terrorist attack,” reports IOMA’s 2011 Report on Workplace Violence. In today’s environment, no business or industry is immune to the possibility of workplace violence, terrorism or any number of manmade or natural disasters. The all too frequent media reports of armed attackers in our workplaces should be enough to thwart an ostrich-like approach. Modern technology and public/private law enforcement integration has altered how companies should respond to active shooter incidents. Background checks for workers and contractors are an important tool in the workplace violence prevention arsenal as is ensuring the physical security of controllable spaces and educating employees. It is critical for business leaders to work proactively to prevent and prepare for workplace violence to protect their employees and their business operations. Sources: Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), July 14, 2010. Fatality data are from the Census of Fatal Occupational Injuries. 2011 Report on Workplace Violence: Complete Guide to Managing Today’s and Tomorrow’s Threats, IOMA’s Institute of Finance & Management

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Art Levine: Showdown in DC: Protests Mounting Over Looming Sell-Out on Foreclosure Fraud Deal

March 4, 2011

Led by Iowa Attorney General Tom Miller, who has apparently abandoned promises to put bank officials in jail , dozens of state officials from around the country are meeting in Washington next week to finalize a multibillion-dollar settlement with bank executives for allegedly widespread mortgage and foreclosure abuses. But with two million homeowners already evicted and five million more facing foreclosure this year, advocacy and policy groups, including BanksterUSA and the National People’s Action

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Kevin Hart Joins Security Benefit as Head of Distribution

March 1, 2011

TOPEKA, KS–(Marketwire – March 1, 2011) – Security Benefit today announced that Kevin Hart, a highly regarded veteran in the financial services sector, has joined the company as Head of its Retail Retirement Division’s National Distribution Group.

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Will NYSE’s Merger Help Prevent Another ‘Flash Crash’?

February 18, 2011

NEW YORK (By Jonathan Spicer) – The merger frenzy among the world’s top exchanges could cast the U.S.-centric “flash crash” debate in a global light, as experts on Friday pitch some possibly radical changes meant to avoid another market breakdown. A special committee is set to meet in Washington to make its long-awaited recommendations to regulators — now more than nine months since the unprecedented market crash sent the Dow Jones industrial average down some 700 points before rebounding, all in a matter of minutes. The May 6 crash rattled investors, exposed flaws in the structure of today’s electronic markets, and set regulators on a mission to fix the high-speed system. The exchanges at the center of the breakdown, however, added a new wrinkle to the debate when in the last week they set off a new wave of planned global mergers, including the takeover of Big Board parent NYSE Euronext by Germany’s Deutsche Boerse. While the deals could strengthen the oversight of cross-border trading and boost the flow of global liquidity, they also tie the world’s interconnected markets tighter together, possibly setting the stage for larger-scale crashes, some observers said. Seth Merrin, chief executive of market operator Liquidnet, said the U.S. Commodity Futures Trading Commission and the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission need to coordinate with regulators elsewhere to understand how sharp movements in one country’s market can hit derivatives traded in others. “Nobody as far as I can see has said to all of the other regulators that if you’re going to create securities that link to anything in my market, we have to talk,” said Merrin, whose venue lets institutional investors trade anonymously. “I don’t know that investors can sustain another flash crash,” he said in an interview. After the crash, one of the first steps taken by the CFTC and the SEC was to strike the committee to come up with some answers. The group includes Financial Industry Regulatory Authority head Richard Ketchum and former CFTC Chairman Brooksley Born, among others. Robert Engle, an Nobel Prize-winning economist also on the committee, told Reuters that members discussed several possible changes, including giving special rebates that would help stabilize markets during stressful times, and cracking down on the growing amount of trading outside of the public exchanges. Engle, interviewed earlier this month, said at the time that no final recommendations had been set. The SEC and CFTC, which hosts the Friday meeting, could formally propose rule changes based on the recommendations. They have already made a handful of adjustments to the marketplace in the wake of the flash crash, including adding trading pauses known as circuit breakers. In another nod to boosting market security, SEC Chairman Mary Schapiro told a U.S. Senate panel on Thursday the agency asked all exchanges for audits of their security policies, after Nasdaq Stock Market parent Nasdaq OMX Group said on February 5 that hackers had breached its computer systems. Rounding out the merger activity that caught fire last week, London Stock Exchange bid to buy Canada’s TMX Group, and, according to a source, BATS Global Markets is nearing a deal to buy fellow private exchange operator Chi-X Europe. BATS accounts for about 10 percent of all U.S. stock trading. (Reporting by Jonathan Spicer; Editing by Gary Hill) Copyright 2010 Thomson Reuters. Click for Restrictions .

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Obama’s Social Security Stance

February 15, 2011

WASHINGTON — Perhaps the one element of President Obama’s budget proposal that pleased progressives the most was the one that didn’t actually make it into the final language. Unveiled on Monday, the budget offered no major changes to Social Security, such as those put forth by the president’s deficit commission. In fact, the six principles for alterations in the document’s language included no benefit cuts of any kind. Asked about the absence of those specific entitlement reforms during a conference call Monday evening, White House senior adviser David Plouffe appeared to even further confirm Obama’s opposition to drastic alterations. “[A]s the President said in his State of the Union, he views Social Security primarily as an issue about shoring it up for the long term as opposed to a deficit issue,” Plouffe said. “And we talked a lot about this as far back as the campaign, but are very clear that if there are proposals out there that are acceptable, that don’t reduce benefits, don’t slash benefits, that don’t affect current retirees, the President is open to proposals that would shore the system up in the long term.” Plouffe’s inclusion of the word “reduce” alongside the pledge not to “slash” may have been an innocent rhetorical addition to a common administration talking point — one used several weeks ago during the State of the Union address. But for advocates working to make current benefits sacrosanct and fretting that the White House had left the door open to either cost of living adjustments or other benefit “tweaks,” it was noteworthy. “Until now, Sen. Harry Reid was the top Democratic leader on the record saying that cuts to Social Security benefits were off the table in any form — big or small, slash or tweak,” said Adam Green, co-founder of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee. “If Mr. Plouffe’s words are true — that the White House opposes all reductions in benefits for current beneficiaries and future ones alike — it’s huge news. Such a position is overwhelmingly popular with Democratic, Independent, and Republican voters alike, and is the kind of boldness Democrats will need to show to win big in 2012.” Even before the rare PCCC applause for an Obama administration motive, other progressive groups expressed encouragement over how the president approached Social Security in his budget. The Strengthen Social Security Campaign, a coalition of predominantly Democratic-oriented groups, put out a statement Monday night applauding the president both for “refraining from proposing” cuts and proposing an increase in Social Security Administration expenditures, which could be used to help with the backlog in disability determinations. “Our coalition… is pleased that the President has made and kept a promise to not cut Social Security benefits or raise the retirement age in his 2012 budget, ,” said Eric Kingson, co-chair of the Strengthen Social Security Campaign. “We applaud his efforts to seek solutions for our struggling economy while keeping our nation’s most successful and popular program intact.”

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Thomas Ferguson: Obama’s Budget Speaks to Wall Street, Ignores Voters

February 14, 2011

President Obama’s budget proposal fails to address the real deficit culprits. Addressing long-term budget issues requires bringing US health care costs in line with those of other major countries with better records on providing adequate services to their populations. That is not done by fixing inflexible spending limits, but by allowing the government to bargain with Big Pharma over drug prices and making health insurers actually compete. In the long run, we probably need a single-payer system that eliminates all the wasteful duplication in medical forms, advertising, etc, that pass on costs to the consumer. If you also rein in military spending and regulate banks to prevent another financial crisis from wrecking both the economy and the budget again, much of the deficit problem disappears. Then you can admit the truth of what close students of Social Security already know: That there is no problem with that program for decades, if ever. The President should have started us down that road today. He didn’t. Instead, he’s kicking off a race to the bottom with the Republicans that will will wreck America’s future and further mystify the public. And don’t fool yourself with talk about appeals to “independent voters.” Almost no polls ask voters if they would like to tax the wealthy. The one poll that did found 61% opting for that. For the next two years, one number towers over all others: $1 billion. That’s what the President’s reelection campaign is going to cost. The real audience for the budget proposals is Wall Street, not any set of voters, and certainly not the popular movement that elected him. **For more, check out a paper co-authored by Tom Ferguson and Rob Johnson: ” A World Upside Down? Deficit Fantasies in the Great Recession ” Cross-posted from New Deal 2.0 .

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Robert Gates: Pentagon Willing To Settle For Smaller Budget

February 14, 2011

WASHINGTON — The Pentagon can live with a smaller budget this year than the Obama administration originally requested, but the total – not counting war costs – cannot be less than $540 billion, Defense Secretary Robert Gates said Monday. That is about $9 billion less than the White House first requested. Gates said that Congress’ failure to pass a 2011 budget – five months into the fiscal year – is forcing the Pentagon to stick to last year’s lower spending level. Those limits, he said, could turn into a crisis if they are not fixed soon. Gates met with key lawmakers for lunch Monday, but he said it’s not clear yet what they will do on the 2011 budget. Laying out the 2012 defense budget, Gates said he is seeking enough money to maintain 98,000 U.S. troops in Afghanistan, despite the Obama administration’s insistence that it will begin to gradually withdraw forces this July. Gates said that while it’s a certainty that the troop level will come down, it made more sense to request stable funding because the administration doesn’t know yet how many troops they will need. Military leaders say the troop reduction will be based on the security situation in Afghanistan. The 2012 budget request includes about $118 billion for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. That amount is substantially less than the 2011 request of about $160 billion, largely due to the ongoing withdrawal of forces from Iraq. The 2012 budget also provides $12.8 billion to train and equip the Afghan security forces, which maintains the training at current levels. Officials have said they need more than the current goal of 305,600 army and police, but the budget provides no additional money to support any growth in the training program. There are currently about 270,000 Afghan security forces, and Afghan President Hamid Karzai is expected to announce his next target for growth in coming weeks. The U.S. and NATO have pressed other nations to provide training, but they are still short about 740 trainers. Gates spoke to reporters while presenting the administration’s defense spending plan for 2012, which begins October 1. He also warned that he will pursue all potential legal moves to eliminate funding for the alternate engine for the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter. Cutting the extra engine, he said, will save $3 billion over the life of the program.

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Former Epocrates CEO Kirk Loevner Named CEO of Resilient Network Systems

February 3, 2011

Resilient’s Trust Network Addresses Privacy and Security With a User-Centric Approach to Healthcare Information Exchange

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Charles Gasparino: Does Morgan Stanley’s James "Don’t Call Me Jim" Gorman Have What it Takes?

February 3, 2011

Here’s something you should know about Morgan Stanley’s chief executive officer James Gorman: Never call him “Jim.” I’ve been covering Wall Street now for two decades and never before have I been corrected by a CEOs’ handlers about a first name as much as I have when it comes to Gorman, who took the top job at Morgan about a year ago, and is now struggling to recreate that bank in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, which it barely survived. Of course, Gorman should go by whatever name makes him feel comfortable, but there is something unsettling about someone in charge of so much worrying about something so trivial (it wasn’t like I called him “Jimbo”). And that’s starting to become the general consensus on Wall Street, both among his fellow CEOs, analysts who cover the firm and even people inside Morgan Stanley. Most admit that Gorman is a nice enough fellow, very intelligent, and in person doesn’t come across as the the type of stuck-up jerk who gets crazy when you call him Jim instead of James. But there’s also a worry from these quarters that Gorman and his PR handlers are spending way too much time convincing people he’s a serious CEO to compensate for what some on Wall Street believe is a serious lack of the right kind of experience to run a major investment bank. “The problem with not having a background in the markets is because Wall Street is still a business involving the markets, and Gorman doesn’t have that experience,” said one prominent analyst who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was afraid of losing access to key executive at the firm. Here’s what this analyst means: Gorman didn’t come to the CEO job the traditional route. He spent many years as a consultant for McKinsey & Co. before going to work for his biggest client, Merrill Lynch to run its brokerage unit, and then to Morgan Stanley to run its brokerage department. In other words, unlike his peers, Gorman has never really worked in a revenue producing job, only as a manager of revenue producers, and before that as a consultant to the managers of revenue producers. Without the more typical banker-trader-broker experience, some analysts worry whether Gorman thinks too much like a micro-managing technocrat, and not enough like a salesman, thus lacking the personal touch needed to run a company that makes its money selling investments to small investors, and finance advice to major corporations. To be sure, there’s a good case to be made that the traditional Wall Street experience of rewarding the people who make the most money and take the most risk set the stage for the 2008 financial crisis in the first place. But Gorman hasn’t really made the case he’s the right guy to be CEO. For all the worry about his image, Gorman’s obsession (and the obsession of his PR staff) with being called James doesn’t help convince investors and analysts he’s a serious executive. “We all call him ‘James don’t call me Jim Gorman,’” said another analyst with a laugh. Then there’s his performance, which on paper is middling at best. Morgan’s earnings jumped 60% during the fourth quarter of 2010, thanks in part to investment banking revenues, but only after other lackluster results. To be sure, the firm’s banking business has had some notable successes, but a chunk of that can be attributed to winning deals from the government’s various corporate bailouts, and the firm’s ties to the Obama administration that was in charge of unwinding those bailouts through various stock sales. One of the firm’s top political players was Tom Nides who recently resigned as chief operating officer to take a job with the administration as Deputy Secretary of State. The stakes for Gorman — and Morgan — are of course huge. Morgan Stanley is one of Wall Street’s most storied franchises (half of the venerable House of Morgan; the other half being JP Morgan). After Morgan Stanley survived the 2008 financial collapse, albeit with taxpayer help, it shifted its business model away from risk taking in the bond and stock markets to giving advice, and some analysts now worry that Morgan’s business model of focusing on clients won’t generate enough money to satisfy investors. As part of its new business model, Morgan acquired Citigroup’s brokerage unit known as Smith Barney. Gorman, first as brokerage chief and now Morgan’s CEO is taking the lead role in the unit’s integration to create the largest brokerage firm on Wall Street, with close to 20,000 salesman selling stocks, bonds and mutual funds to small investors across the country. But that integration hasn’t always gone smoothly; some people at Smith Barney worry about losing their jobs to less qualified people at Morgan, and there have been some layoffs and office closings in order for the firm to squeeze at least $1 billion from the move. My sources tell me that Morgan’s PR staff clearly understand the doubts surrounding Gorman faces and they have begun a carefully orchestrated “charm offensive” making Gorman available to some selective publications where he can explain his strategy in a controlled setting (a profile of him is expected in Fortune as soon as next week), while keeping him away from others. He’s dodged numerous requests to be interviewed by me; indeed the last time I approached him for an interview while at a conference in New York City, I was quickly surrounded by his security detail, who whisked him away. One problem with the PR campaign is that some of those doubts surrounding Gorman can be found inside Morgan Stanley as well, people close to the firm tell me. Before Mack became CEO, Morgan was run by Phil Purcell, another consultant who was widely despised inside the ranks for his sour disposition and because Morgan lost ground to rivals. Morgan executives openly worry that they’re being led by “another Purcell.” Indeed Gorman didn’t make many friends inside Morgan’s investment banking ranks when he publicly attacked Wall Street’s “star system” — or paying people based on how much money they bring into the firm — and asserted he would make cuts compensation even for those who stars who perform. Even worse for Gorman is the continued presence of John Mack, the firm’s long time CEO. Mack relinquished the top job to Gorman in 2010, but remains as its chairman. Such splits between CEO and chairman rare on Wall Street and publicly Morgan says that it’s Gorman’s call on whether Mack stays or goes. Maybe so, but people close to the firm say it’s Morgan’s board of directors who want Mack to stay around because they don’t have the confidence in Gorman’s ability to run the firm by himself. “They’re keeping John Mack around for good reason,” said another analyst. How long does Gorman have to show he’s the right guy to run the firm? Its hard to know. Among investors in bank stocks, patience runs thin. Of course, much depends on the stock price, which is trading at $30 a share — about the same level as when Gorman took over a year ago reflecting an overall indifference with his performance. “Morgan is good firm, but there’s a question: Is Gorman up for the task,” said on executive at a rival bank. “No one knows for sure, not even people inside Morgan Stanley.”

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Skybox Security Appoints Lior Barak as Chief Financial Officer

February 2, 2011

SAN JOSE, CA–(Marketwire – February 2, 2011) –  Skybox Security, the leader in proactive security risk management, today announced the appointment of Lior Barak as Chief Financial Officer. Mr. Barak has more than 13 years of experience in global financial management, mergers and acquisitions, strategic planning, and business operations. He will be responsible for the company’s financial and legal affairs, and human resources administration.

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Eric Schurenberg: Can We Please Stop Talking About the Social Security Trust Fund?

January 31, 2011

Nothing get clicks from seniors like a scary story about Social Security, and the Associate Press supplied a real granny-grabber last week: ” Social Security on Pace to be Drained by 2037 .” Hyper-ventilating off on a new report from the Congressional Budget Office , the headline managed to seize a topic of key interest and entirely miss the point. To understand what’s wrong with such a headline, you need to grasp one fact: Social Security is, ultimately, just another pay as you go government transfer program. That is, we tax Peter to pay Paul. The Treasury raises money with taxes and debt and distributes some of it to seniors, survivors, and disabled people according to formulas embedded in the Social Security law. Your benefits are safe as long as voters agree that transferring that much money to seniors is better than transferring it elsewhere, or letting taxpayers keep it. Simple. What makes it seem complicated is that Uncle Sam’s accountants treat Social Security like a closed ecosystem. Unlike other government programs, it has its own tax — this year a 10.4% slice of your wages (4.2% from you and 6.2% from your employer) officially called the FICA tax-and every year the Social Security trustees estimate how long the system’s inflows from FICA and other revenues will cover its outflows. But where the system really turns murky is with the trillion-dollar Social Security trust fund , an accounting phantom that has launched a thousand half-cocked headlines like AP’s. Social Security experts like Eugene Steuerle of the Urban Institute regard it as a trillion-dollar distraction. “I try to avoid the trust fund debate,” he writes in an email. “Social Security is mainly a pay-as-you-go system.” There is a massive trust fund — and this is one case where your definition of “is” really matters — only because FICA has pulled in much more than Social Security needed for the past 27 years. The government treated the FICA surplus the same way it treats all tax revenue: It spent it on aircraft carriers, interest on the debt, haircuts for Congressmen, and all the other purposes of government. The surplus, along with imputed interest, is recorded on the government’s ledgers. That ledger entry is the trust fund. What does the trust fund do? The Social Security Administration itself describes it as ” budget authority .” That is, until the fund runs out, the program can order the Treasury to come up with the money to pay benefits, even if FICA taxes don’t cover benefits (and they don’t, starting this year), without asking Congress for more money. What the trust fund doesn’t do is change how the Treasury pays for benefits: Trust fund or no trust fund, we still have to tax Peter to pay benefits to Paul. If Peter’s FICA taxes don’t cover Paul’s benefits, the shortfall has be made up out of Peter’s other taxes, or by borrowing. All that matters is how much we want to support seniors, not whether government accountants say the trust fund is a $2.6 trillion or 50 cents. In the kind of Social Security post you should pay attention to, “The Truth about Social Security Cuts” CBS MoneyWatch writer Carla Fried argues persuasively that voters (including most Tea Party members) support Social Security so strongly that benefits are in zero danger in the short run. Certainly, no politician has enough of a career death wish to propose stiffing anyone now retired or even within 10 years of retirement. The question anyone younger than 50 needs to ask is, how long will that popularity last? At some point, as the population ages and seniors absorb an ever larger share of spending — not just in Social Security, but also in Medicare and Medicaid — voters may simply choke on elderly entitlements. (Remember at that point we may simultaneously be choking on interest payments on the debt.) Ironically, the best way to protect benefits for younger workers today is to embrace gradual changes in the program starting today — thus avoiding more draconian cuts in a crisis a decade or more hence. In the meantime, forget about when the Social Security trust fund will be “drained.” Indeed, forget about the trust fund altogether. It’s irrelevant. As with all the fiscal challenges we face, Social Security’s biggest risk is failure of political will. There’s no trust fund for that.

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Akito Yoshikane: Airport Security Workers Prepare For Largest Federal Election in U.S. History

January 27, 2011

Transportation Security Administration (TSA) employees — i.e., the people that pat you down at the airport — are about to make history. When they vote to decide which union will represent them in March, it will be the largest federal labor election in U.S. history. Roughly 48,000 workers are set to vote starting March 9 on whether they will be represented by the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE) or the National Treasury Employees Union (NTEU). While details are still emerging on whether the workers will be able to bargain collectively with the TSA, a successful election could help to bolster the country’s total unionization rate, which has now fallen to just 11.9 percent , as David Moberg reported for In These Times this week. Representatives from the TSA and both unions met with the Federal Labor Relations Authority last Friday to discuss terms of the election. AFGE, an AFL-CIO affiliate, has represented some workers since TSA was formed in 2001; it is the largest union in the federal government, with 600,00 workers. NTEU is the bargaining unit for 150,000 members across 31 agencies and departments. The election date is not yet finalized because the technical measures are still being ironed out by the TSA, according to Cathie McQuiston, AFGE membership and organization deputy director. “The agency is holding up finalizing the election terms because it seeks a bargaining unit description that departs from the norm,” said McQuiston . “There is no dispute over the bargaining unit positions, just the language used to describe the unit.” As it stands, TSA workers are permitted to join unions, but not allowed to bargain collectively. The labor organizing comes nearly a decade after TSA was created. Since then, unions have been trying to undo unfriendly measures that were enacted under the guise of national security. When the agency was created in 2001, Congress passed legislation allowing the Under-Secretary of Transportation to decide employment terms. A 2003 memo by that official prohibited workers from engaging in collective bargaining or using representation (i.e unions) to do so “in light of their critical national security responsibilities.” Most of the momentum has happened recently, due in part, as the Washington Post notes, to the rising productivity of the once stagnant Federal Labor Relations Authority. The agency, which oversees labor issues in the federal sector, decided in November that TSA members will be allowed to vote on union representation, paving the way for the elections. Now that employees are permitted to vote on who will be their exclusive representative, the focus has shifted to allow collective bargaining. Both unions have pressed the TSA to grant rights to do so, and are hoping for a decision before balloting begins. As the voting nears, the record-setting election is an anomaly at a time when unionization rates are continuing to fall. In 2009, unionized public sector workers outnumbered private sector employees for the first time, but the membership rate in 2010 for civil servants fell 1.2 percent to 36.2 percent. But the addition of airport security officials will boost more union members in the public sector, which totaled 7.6 million last year. The previous record for the largest federal union election was in 2006 when the NTEU prevailed over the AFGE for the right to represent 24,000 U.S Customs and Border Protection workers. NTEU won by a two-to-one margin, the union says . The unionization efforts have been opposed in the past, most notably by Senator Jim DeMint (R-S.C.). Today, the backlash has been amplified by opposition to public-sector unions. In Tuesday night’s State of the Union address, the invasive and tedious security precautions by the TSA was even the butt of a joke by President Obama. The stress of dealing with angry passengers has reportedly contributed to low morale among its workforce. The union will be expected to improve workplace standards and provide a voice for a workforce belonging to an agency under constant political scrutiny. (This post originally appeared in Working In These Times .)

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AlliedBarton Security Services Announces New Client Experience Leadership Role

January 20, 2011

CONSHOHOCKEN, PA–(Marketwire – January 20, 2011) – AlliedBarton Security Services, www.alliedbarton.com , the industry’s premier provider of highly trained security personnel, announces the appointment of Carol Johnson as Senior Vice President, Client Experience.

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David Isenberg: PMSC vs. Pirates

December 24, 2010

In the past few years, in response to the increased attacks on maritime shipping by Somali pirates there has been increased call for and use of what might call PMSC (Private Maritime Security Contractors). In particular, some have been advocating utilizing the lessons of the past by issuing letters of marquee. Such letters have an honorable pedigree. In past centuries a Letter of Marque and Reprisal was a government license authorizing a private vessel to attack and capture enemy vessels, and bring them before admiralty courts for condemnation and sale. Nor was this just something done by other nations. Most people don’t remember that Article 1 of the United States Constitution lists issuing letters of marque and reprisal in Section 8 as one of the enumerated powers of Congress, alongside the power to “declare War”, and because the United States has not renounced privateering by treaty, in theory it could still issue letters of marque. In fact, Representative Ron Paul (R-TX) called on Congress to “issue letters of marque and reprisal, deputizing private organizations to act within the law to disable and capture those engaged in piracy. Thus, the main question is whether, from an economic, national security, or public policy perspective, governments should take advantage of these private sector capabilities. In that regard one should read a law journal article published earlier this year. It is

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Video: Bronzo Says Confidence Building in Sustainable Recovery

December 23, 2010

Dec. 22 (Bloomberg) — Mark Bronzo, who helps manage about $21 billion at Security Global Investors, talks about the outlook for equities and the U.S. economy. Branzo talks with Pimm Fox on Bloomberg Television’s “Taking Stock.” (Source: Bloomberg)

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Smart Card Alliance Identity Council Announces New Officers, Plans for Educational Resources on Trusted Identities

December 22, 2010

PRINCETON JUNCTION, NJ–(Marketwire – December 22, 2010) – Guiding the creation of strong identity management foundations for citizen and government identity programs is the focus for the coming year, the Smart Card Alliance Identity Council said recently. The Identity Council also announced new officers and a steering committee, and recently held a workshop on the Personal Identity Verification (PIV) Interoperable (PIV-I) card at its 9th Annual Smart Cards in Government: Identity, Security & Healthcare Conference in November in Washington D.C. 

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David Isenberg: Can’t Anyone at DoD Do Oversight? Anyone at All?

December 22, 2010

The perennial issue regarding private military security contractors is the degree to which they are subject to effective oversight. In that regard there is only one item in today’s news worth looking at. That is the report issued by the House Subcommittee on National Security and Foreign Affairs, chaired by John F. Tierney (D-MA). The Majority staff report is titled, Mystery at Manas: Strategic Blind Spots in the Department of Defense’s Fuel Contracts in Kyrgyzstan . The report culminates an eight-month investigation into the Department of Defense’s multi-billion dollar aviation fuel contracts at the Manas Transit Center in Kyrgyzstan. Reminding one of the famous line by 1st Lieutenant Milo Minderbinder in Joseph Heller’s famous Catch-22 novel, “We’re gonna come out of this war rich!” the report found that to keep U.S. warplanes flying over Afghanistan, the Pentagon allowed a “secrecy obsessed” business group to supply jet fuel to a U.S. air base in Kyrgyzstan, turning a blind eye to an elaborate fraud involving fuel deliveries from Russia. The subcommittee found that the Pentagon and State Department diplomats ignored red flags raised by jet fuel contracts worth nearly $2 billion for the Manas Transit Center, a U.S. base used for in-flight refueling over Afghanistan. The fuel was supplied by a Gibraltar-registered business group comprising Mina Corp. and Red Star Enterprises. True, the report found no evidence of corrupt ties between Mina Corp. or Red Star and the families of Kyrgyz leaders. Yet it cautioned that a lack of proper oversight and a neglect of America’s broader interests in the region had often left Washington blind to “political, diplomatic and geopolitical collateral consequences.” These include the ouster of two Kyrgyz governments in popular revolts stirred in part by anger over alleged jet fuel corruption and also U.S. ties with Moscow. Since 2002, the Defense Logistics Agency-Energy has awarded Mina and its sister- company, Red Star Enterprises, four contracts worth $2 billion for fuel at Manas, and has awarded several additional contracts to Red Star for fuel supply to the United States’ Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan. The day after the 2010 contract award, an official from DLA-Energy called the Majority staff of the Subcommittee to ask who owned the companies. The Pentagon did not know. As the New York Times reported , for a number of years ending in April 2010, two Pentagon middleman companies misled the Russian authorities, by using falsified export documents, into thinking that the large quantities of jet fuel they were purchasing were for civilian use, not military, apparently with the intention of evading a tariff. But the fuel was being bought by the Pentagon for shipment to the American airbase in Manas, Kyrgyzstan, and from there on to Afghanistan, the report said. Once Russian officials discovered the true identity of the recipient, they cut off supplies, creating a major logistical headache for United States military commanders. Officials for the contractors expressed little remorse for their actions, the report shows. “We got one over on ‘em,” the report quotes one company official, Charles Squires, as telling investigators. “I’m an old cold warrior, I’m proud of it, we beat the Russians, and we did it for four or five years.” Until, that is, the Russians objected and the system unraveled. That breakdown forced a major redrawing of supply routes into Afghanistan for jet fuel, which is in chronically short supply in landlocked Afghanistan. It also touched off a major behind-the-scenes diplomatic effort by the Obama administration to rebuild the fuel lines. If this is an example of effective contract oversight I’m the Chief of Naval Operations. This fuel supply system accounted for more than half of the jet fuel used in the war, the report said. It is suggested that the Russian authorities knew all along about the falsified certificates, but did not act because the subsidiary of the Russian energy giant Gazprom which supplied the fuel was making profits on the sales. In any case, the Russian Federal Security Service and the Russian Parliament investigated in 2009, the report said, and the trainloads of jet fuel from Gazprom started to dry up, halting altogether on April 1. In a deposition with Congressional investigators, Red Star and Mina Corporation officials characterized the false certificates as necessary to circumvent Russian export restrictions on jet fuel sales to foreign militaries. In interviews, Kyrgyz officials characterized them as an effort to avoid export tariffs. While those assertions remain in dispute, there is no question that the supply disruption caused major problems. Contractors were compelled to buy far more costly fuel that had to be shipped through the Black Sea and sent overland to Kyrgyzstan and Afghanistan. It also forced the military to rely more heavily on supply routes from Pakistan into Afghanistan on vulnerable mountain roads where trucks came under repeated attack this summer. Putting aside for the moment of just how bad the oversight was the strategic question, as geopolitical types like to phrase it, was whether anyone was really interested in doing it in the first place. Here is how the report puts it: Like many of the logistics contracting agencies that support the U.S. war effort in Afghanistan, DLA-Energy has a single-minded focus on providing the warfghters with the goods they need to achieve their mission. Judged by that metric, DLA-Energy’s efforts have been remarkable. The U.S. mission in Afghanistan has required the delivery of billions of gallons of fuel to some of the most remote and hostile locations in the world. Simply stated, without this fuel, the war would come to a grinding halt. But DLA-Energy’s by-the-book focus on performance and price was inadequate for proper strategic oversight of multi-billion dollar fuel contracting in a highly graft-prone region of the world. Policy officials at the Pentagon and State Department did little to nothing to assist DLA-Energy in oversight of its massive fuel procurement contracts. As long as the flow of fuel met demand, the civilian and military officials at the Department of Defense showed little interest in fuel contracting. Te State Department, meanwhile, viewed the fuel contracts as solely a mater for the Pentagon to manage, even when fallout from the contracts badly damaged U.S.-Kyrgyz relations. In short, DLA-Energy, the Pentagon, and State Department all turned a blind eye to the fuel contracts’ serious political, diplomatic, and geopolitical collateral consequences. Evidently what we had here, as was memorably said in the classic movie Cool Hand Luke, was a failure to communicate. Returning to the oversight, or lack thereof, consider just these few paragraphs: 6. DLA-Energy conducted only superficial due diligence on Mina and Red Star, and turned a blind eye to allegations of corruption. Until recently, DLA-Energy never knew Mina and Red Star’s beneficial ownership and never had any clear visibility into their subcontracting relationships. When the interim government of Kyrgyzstan alleged that Mina and Red Star had corrupt relations with the Bakiyev family, DLA-Energy made no inquiry to determine whether the allegations might be true. 7. DLA-Energy took few steps to mitigate potential corruption and ignored red fags of anti-competitive behavior. DLA-Energy had little independent understanding of fuel supply at Manas or in Central Asia and took few steps to mitigate the high potential for corruption in a graft-prone region. When red flags of potentially corrupt or anti-competitive behavior did arise, the agency took no steps to address them. 8. The Department of Defense failed to oversee a highly sensitive fuel supply arrangement created by Mina and Red Star to disguise their fuel procurement. For most of the past five years, Mina and Red Star procured a majority of their fuel from refineries in Russia despite a perceived official Russian ban on the export of fuel for military use. Mina and Red Star constructed complex arrangements in which proxy subcontractors obtained certifications from Kyrgyz authorities stating that the fuel was being procured for domestic civil aviation. According to Mina and Red Star, the Russian refineries were aware that the U.S. military was the ultimate end-user of the fuel, and they believed that the Russian export control authorities were also aware because of the large quantity of fuel being procured. Mina and Red star told DLA-Energy and Pentagon officials about the deception; but, despite extensive memoranda and e-mails documenting the arrangements, senior DLA-Energy officials claimed that they were not aware of the scheme and asserted that there might not have been a Russian ban.

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Angela Haines: The Next Best Thing

December 14, 2010

Early dreams for a new business took root during the agonizing ten months Army Captain Dawn Halfaker spent recovering from over 20 operations she endured when she was severely injured in Iraq. She had spent five months in Baquba, in the volatile province of Diyalah as a Platoon Leader, charged with training an Iraqi police force. Shortly after midnight in June, 2004, Dawn rolled out in a convoy of 4 humvees on a reconnaissance patrol when her vehicle was hit by a barrage of small arms fire and rocket-propelled grenades. One grenade pierced the engine of Dawn’s vehicle before it burst immediately next to her, leaving her right arm hanging by a piece of skin and a few tendons. Dazed and covered with blood, Dawn still managed to order the driver to flee before lapsing into a coma that lasted twelve days. She awoke as a patient in Walter Reed Army Medical Center in terrible shape: besides burns and lacerations, Dawn suffered 5 broken ribs, a shattered shoulder blade and a deadly infection that almost took her life, and eventually led to the amputation of her right arm. For her heroism, she was awarded a Purple Heart and a Bronze Star. During her recovery, as Dawn began to realize the military career she had desperately wanted since the first day she entered the United States Military Academy at West Point was over, she worried about “losing a sense of purpose.”: I really loved what I was doing. To me the military was a dream job with so much of my life and my identity wrapped up in it. So I was fiercely determined to stay connected to the fellow soldiers I had left behind on the battlefield. Like a good soldier, she switched into survival mode and began to plan the outlines of a consulting business to help the military to seek out new technologies that could save lives or at least lessen injuries, a career path she calls “the next best thing.” After working out of her basement for a year, Dawn landed a contract with the Department of Defense, specifically the Defense Advanced Projects Research Agency, where she led projects researching various technologies ranging from nanotechnology that could make lighter weight body armor to advanced medical devices, such as creating miniature ventilators for use directly in the battlefield to help prevent brain damage from serious injuries. When she began to see the growth potential for her consulting business, Dawn headed back to school to acquire an M.A. in Security Studies from Georgetown University. Her company, Halfaker and Associates, was officially launched in 2006. Located in Arlington, Va, the company provides help with security policy, physical security management services for military bases, administrative and technical support and training. Currently Halfaker and Associates has over 120 employees. For 2010, it expects to post revenues of more than $15 million from services provided to over 20 major clients, mostly governmental agencies. Her biggest client remains the Department of Defense for which her team is currently analyzing how the intelligence data gathered from a variety of sources affects the army and its decision makers as they develop policies and strategies. Another major client is the Department of Homeland Security for which the Halfaker and Associates team offers solutions in the areas of force protection, antiterrorism, emergency management and chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear, and high yield explosive (CBRN) defense. Soon after Dawn launched her business, the economy began to slide. One consequence was that “we got a whole new slew of competitors who began to chase lucrative government contracts for the first time since their former clients were slashing budgets because of the recession.” Her solution was “to continue to seek out exceptional talent so we can offer our clients the best services possible.” As part of her plans for long term growth, 31-year old Dawn Halfaker plans to adopt her company services to the needs of commercial clients for whom she sees rising demand in all areas of security; she also offers in depth capabilities in information technology solutions to help clients with a variety of business problems from website designs to software integration to data management. Currently she spends most of her time on strategic planning and maintaining essential relationships by planning quarterly visits to the sites of her twenty most active programs. She also attends industry events because “you can’t get new business if you don’t put yourself out there.” Recently, Dawn was selected as one of the winners in the 2010 Winning Women program, sponsored by Ernst and Young . Her reward was participation in a 5-day strategic growth forum that brought together 1700 business leaders in Palm Spring in early November. The experience, she said, “made me realized I was pigeon-holed; the blinders were removed as I began to see that there are opportunities everywhere. I developed a much better understanding of how to access the resources I need; it also gave me the ability to understand how to navigate the obstacles we face as I look at my strategic plan for growth.” She also loved the networking with the other winning women which “became the kind of sorority I never had at West Point.” Since the growth forum coincided with Veteran’s Day, Dawn was unexpectedly invited to the stage by the forum leaders to share her combat story. The audience responded with a standing ovation in honor of her courage and determination to accomplish her “next best thing”: running a successful company.

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Sri Lanka’s property prices continue to rise!

December 8, 2010

Property prices continue to rise in Sri Lanka, as the security situation stabilises.

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David Isenberg: A Rose by any Other Name Would Smell Like a "New Humanitarian"

November 29, 2010

Remember when in February 2009 Blackwater changed its name to Xe Services? Didn’t do much good, did it? Almost everyone still thinks of it as Blackwater, or shades of the other Prince, the PSC formerly known as Blackwater. It just goes to show you that not every attempt at rebranding works well. Sometimes, in fact, they are major disasters. For example, if the SciFi Channel had done more due diligence before it rolled out its new name it would have discovered that, in most parts of the world, “syfy” is a slang term for syphilis. And being associated with a sexually transmitted disease is never a good marketing tactic. Of course, rebranding is par for the course for private military and security contractors. The public debate is frequently shallow and sensationalist, and often outright demagogic, so it is hardly surprising that PMSC seek to change the terms of the debate, considering that its critics often seek to influence it by using inaccurate terminology like “mercenary, “dogs of war,” or “guns for hire.” Remember that the PMSC trade group, the International Peace Operations Association, which then changed its name to simply IPOA, recently renamed itself the International Stability Operations Association. I see the change as an attempt to broaden their market appeal. Offering an organization that is of use to companies that can lay claim to helping establish stability will, at least potentially, cast a far wider net, that just those involved in peace operations. As both a marketing move and an attempt to attract future member companies it is a smart move. The sad thing is that for many years PMSC have been notably bad at doing public relations, or, if you want to use military terminology, information operations. Partly it was because in their early years PMSC were, and to some degree, still are headed by former military officers whose initial reaction to the idea of talking with the media is to echo the famous comment, “Off with their heads!” from the Queen of Hearts in Alice in Wonderland. Another reason is that they were simply too cheap to pay for a fulltime public relations person or office. And when you are something on the order of DynCorp or KBR you definitely need a whole office. Or to paraphrase the old sports quote, image isn’t everything; it’s the only thing. Given that PMSC trade association have lobbied Congress to consider “best value” when awarding contracts, which involves weighing a company’s reputation among other factors, and not just its bid price, you can see why this is important. So, how’s that whole identity politics thing working out? This brings us to another paper presented at the presented at the SGIR 7th Pan-European International Relations Conference, in Stockholm, Sweden, September 9-11, 2010. This is ” New Humanitarians? Private Military and Security Companies ” by Jutta Joachim & Andrea Schneiker of the Institute of Political Science at Leibniz University Hannover, Germany. They start with the obvious, “Although Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) are gaining increasingly in importance, they still suffer from an image problem… Companies are therefore interested in presenting themselves as legitimate and acceptable contract parties.” And what do they find? Based on a discourse analysis of the homepages of select PMSCs and the industry association International Peace Operations Association (IPOA), we examine the ways in which they respond to negative labels. Drawing on the framing literature, we find that PMSCs present themselves as “new humanitarians.” Not only do they provide increasingly logistics or security for the staff of humanitarian organizations which are confronted with complex emergencies and ever-more dangerous missions, but the respective companies also appropriate the discourses of these organizations. The growing involvement of actors interested exclusively in profit is not without problems. Not only does it challenge the monopoly thus far enjoyed by non-profit organizations with respect to humanitarian assistance and the principles which guide their actions, but it contributes further to the normalization of privatized security. “Armed humanitarians” is also the title of Nathan Hodge’s book which I wrote about previously . Of course, such a rebranding has impact beyond that of image. It goes to furthering the legitimacy and staying power of the PMC industry. After all, who could possibly be against a humanitarian?. It would be like being against the Red Cross or Amnesty International. For PMSCs to present themselves as humanitarians has implications that go far beyond the humanitarian sector. It contributes to the normalization and power of PMSCs. By presenting themselves as do-gooders and others, including state militaries, international organizations, such as the United Nations, and even NGOs as incapable and less caring for the well-being of others, PMSCs enhance their legitimacy. Outsourcing of military and security-related tasks may, in turn, be more acceptable, easier to justify, and more difficult to resist, if not to say a moral obligation. In the view of the authors defining oneself as a humanitarian, which is generally considered to be an ethic of kindness, benevolence and sympathy extended universally and impartially to all human beings, is also smart business: In the case of PMSCs, presenting themselves as humanitarians may enhance their common acceptance and increase their pool of clients, such as NGOs, who might be less apprehensive in relying on their services, as the Chairman of the Board of Directors of RA International, a member company of the IPOA, explains: One should never underestimate the power of private companies who offer aid. Companies are almost always focused on efficiency, good negotiation, building their reputation (their brand) and getting things done on time and on budget. The basic rules of capitalism that work for the good of the communities they aid can in turn aid them in business and ultimately help post-conflict societies to recover and progress. So, in this view, someone like Adam Smith is really Mother Theresa in drag. And, as it turns out, for one of the few times in their history, PMSC are becoming rather deft and adroit in their public relations. PMSCs increasingly refer to themselves as “the New Humanitarian Agent[s]” emphasizing, like AECOM, that they “are committed … to make the world a better place”. Their humanitarian identity has evolved over time in response to scandals and crisis in the industry and is reflective of the post-Cold War kind in terms of the professed ambitions. Most indicative of a change in the industry is the way in which the IPOA more recently refers to it. PMSCs, according to the association, belong to the “Peace and Stability Operations Industry” of which the private security industry is only a “subset.” … The Journal of International Peace Operations of the IPOA is quite telling in this respect. Ads of companies quite frequently show sad looking girls (EODT), babies being fed (Blackwater), boys laughing and waving at one (IPOA), soldiers rescuing little kids (IPOA), or a globe (Blackwater, IPOA). Everyone is entitled to their own spin and it is true that in many cases PMSC are just as capable, if not more so that their traditional NGO counterparts such as Oxfam, Doctors Without Borders or the Red Cross. So, should we care whether IPOA et al is putting itself in the ranks of Nobel Peace prize winners? Well, the authors note a few problems. First, there is what we might politely call the hypocrisy factor: Analyzing the homepages of PMSCs and one of their associations–the IPOA–provides evidence that companies present themselves increasingly as “new humanitarians” interested in addressing the root causes of conflicts. On the one hand, they employ naming strategies, emphasizing their commitment to humanitarian aims and ethics. On the other hand, however, they paradoxically blame while at the same time align themselves with other humanitarian actors. As much as they consider the reluctance of Western states, international organizations, and NGOs to intervene in ongoing crisis as a problem, PMSCs also seek to benefit from and rent their legitimacy. Second, is the conflict of interest issue: First, PMSCs specialize in intelligence and risk assessments. In terms of effectiveness and efficiency, this may be an asset in situations of violent conflicts or humanitarian disasters and a comparative advantage vis-à-vis NGOs or international organizations. Given the kinds of information PMSCs can produce and have available, they may be in a better position to determine where help is most needed, coordinate the assistance and the logistics, or to estimate the effort or the danger involved. From a moral point of view, however, this capability can be problematic. Through their advice, PMSCs may shape and influence our understanding as to what constitutes a humanitarian crisis, who are the victims and who may deserve aid, and who is qualified to assist. Instead of political or humanitarian motives per se, the information companies provide is based on economic reasoning. Whether to intervene or not and offer assistance is, hence, no longer a question of duty or a certain ethics, but one of whether a crisis promises to be a lucrative market. Third, is the commitment issue: Similar to NGOs, most PMSCs operate transnationally and conceive of themselves as apolitical, neutral actors. Again, based on the criteria of efficiency and effectiveness, this makes their involvement appealing. Companies can be at site in a relatively short amount of time, are not be held back by cumbersome political debates, and may enjoy greater acceptance because they are not directly associated with the UN or any particular state. Judged in moral terms, however, their constitution may again be a problem. Compared to states, UN agencies or even NGOs which often have ties to countries other than those established during violent conflicts or natural disasters, companies do not have these kinds of relations. Consequently, they may feel less of a commitment beyond their assignment and ignore the long-term implications of their engagement or even the short-term consequences for ongoing conflicts. If problems arise, they may simply leave and set up shop elsewhere. While some might argue that the exit option is also available to NGOs, the implications are different for them than for PMSCs. Contrary to the former, which are forced to reflect whether their behaviour is in line with their ethics and are held accountable by their members and donors, companies, in comparison, evaluate their actions based on profits and the potential responses of their share-holders. And last, but hardly least: Finally, apart from moral concerns or those related to efficiency and effectiveness, there seems to be a further implication that has to be considered when PMSCs acquire a humanitarian identity. It contributes to their normalization and may, in the long-run, undermine the role of more traditional actors in the field. With PMSCs gaining in acceptance and legitimacy, international organizations and NGOs may either be increasingly be perceived as lacking the ability to take care of those in most need or may even feel less compelled to intervene.

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David Isenberg: PMSC: They’re Not Just for the United States

November 28, 2010

Usually lost in the often histrionic conversation about private military and security contractors is that they are not used by the United States. When PMSC advocates talk about their industry being a global phenomenon they are exactly right; they are everywhere. One brief example is the following excerpt, taken from this paper, Privatization Coalitions, Strategic Decisions and Ideational Discourses: The Use of Private Military and Security Companies in Zones of Conflict . It was written by Andreas Kruck of the University of Munich and presented at the SGIR 7th Pan-European International Relations Conference , in Stockholm, Sweden, September 9-11, 2010. While among the Anglo-Saxon countries privatization is strongest and unmatched within the United States, it has increased in scope and scale in other states as well (Deitelhoff 2009: 2f). Almost all new security strategies of western states refer to privatization strategies (Deitelhoff 2009: 16; cf. BMVg 2006: 74). European militaries lacking adequate means to transport and support their overseas forces now rely on PMSCs for such functions. To get to Afghanistan, European troops relied on a Ukrainian firm that, under a contract worth more than $100 million, ferried them there (Singer 2005: 120). Not only the governments of France and the UK are working with PMSCs with the UK being considerably more inclined to do so (Kinsey 2006); the German military has also relied on PMSCs for satellite intelligence, troop transportation, maintenance of armoured weapons carriers and facility security (of the camp in Faisabad) in Afghanistan as well as logistic services in Kosovo (Petersohn 2006: 15, 18). Moreover, it has further developed some (limited) privatization aims with regard to non-core functions such as site and facility management (Branovic/Chojnacki 2007). Out of theatre, the German Bundeswehr has outsourced further military and security functions in the areas of logistics, training (e.g. of jet pilots), maintenance of material (especially with the marine) and site security (Petersohn 2006: 18). However, so called ‘core military functions’ remain mostly (though not completely) with public military forces, while the use of PMSCs by the US extends into these core military areas (ibid. 12-21).

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Smart Card Alliance Board Members and Executive Leadership Announced for 2011

November 18, 2010

WASHINGTON, DC–(Marketwire – November 18, 2010) – 9 th Annual Smart Cards in Government Conference —  The Smart Card Alliance today announced its 2010-2011 board and seven-member executive committee. Elections were held during the 9th Annual Smart Cards in Government: Identity, Security & Healthcare Conference , taking place this week through November 19 th at the Washington DC Convention Center. 

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David Isenberg: Private Military Companies as Quasi-States

November 18, 2010

Our latest entry in law journal articles on private military contractors is “Why Private Mercenary Companies Should Be Legitimized and Allowed to Enter the World Stage.” This was published in the spring 2009 issue of the New England Law Review . The author is Edieth Y. Wu , who is Professor of Law at the Thurgood Marshall School of Law at Texas Southern University. In a mere 16018 words, which is positively svelte by law journal standards, she makes the argument “Like the multinational, PMCs have the potential to impact domestic and international politics and “spread wealth, work, technologies that raise living standards and better” the lives of millions, which gives them an opportunity to participate in the global economy.” That’s a fairly bold assertion. Even PMC trade associations don’t normally make such a claim, as it puts PMCs right up there with Apple, Google, and Microsoft. And not even Eric Prince, back when Blackwater was at the top of the PMC heap, would go that far. Still, once you get past the fact that Professor You is calling PMC a “mercenary” company – you would think a law professor of all people, trained to used word with exactitude, would know better – she has some intriguing things to say regarding PMC regulation. In particular, she calls for the United Nations Security Council, to support a resolution to legitimize properly registered PMCs. She writes, “The U.N. is in the best position and can “bring[] essential assets to bear on any effort to deal with pressing problems” of PMCs. The U.N. has legitimacy because it represents the world and can call on nations to assist in situations that affect humanity as a whole. The U.N. should pass an “Emergency Private Mercenary Company Resolution” (Emergency PMC Resolution) similar to the resolutions that address measures to prevent international terrorism.” She notes there is precedent. After the September 11, 2001 attack on the United States, the U.N.’s response was decisively unprecedented and swift. Resolution 1368 was unanimously adopted by the Security Council within twenty-four hours of the attack. The Resolution called for all States to work to bring the perpetrators to justice, and it called for the “international community to redouble their efforts to prevent and suppress terrorist acts.” The same swiftness and assurance of support should accompany the Emergency PMC Resolution. The Emergency PMC Resolution would legitimize reputable companies that are willing to comply with the Emergency PMC Resolution and the augmented three-tiered process. The Emergency PMC Resolution should be drafted under Chapter VII of the Charter because it addresses threats, breaches, and aggression against the peace of the international community. The Resolution would require all member nations to pass and enforce national legislation making it compulsory for all PMCs to register with the U.N. under their home country’s membership. After the company registers, all of its employees would then be designated as having dual nationality. That is, nationals of their home state and nationals of their company’s state, analogous to the situation in the Merge case. The individual’s dominant nationality would be the nationality of his contracted employer, the PMC, based on the dominant nationality principal. A mercenary would also be subject to the municipal court system of his or her employer’s home country because of the voluntary contacts and participation in said activity. Of course, trying to define “reputable companies” is akin to determining how many angels can fit on the head of a pin. Maybe we can outsource that task to Jesuits, as they have a reputation for arguing over the obscure. But what is really breathtaking is this: First, mercenary companies should not be placed under regulations that control state-run militaries; instead, mercenary companies should be designated through a U.N. Resolution as a “Quasi-State,” a cross between a multinational corporation and a non-governmental organization. Because the designation would flow through the U.N. and its members, the necessity for global harmonization and legitimacy would be unquestioned. The “quasi-state” status would be viewed as global entities who are allowed to operate as a result of a decision by the community of nations. These Quasi-State companies would be given semi-international legal personality so that they would be subject to the International Court of Justice’s jurisdiction as well as the ICC’s, which already has the power to adjudicate individual defendants. Large PMCs are “no longer ordinary players on the international scene, [these] corporations have achieved effective global governance by virtue of their control of economic” and military expertise. Additionally, they have “rights or duties,” in the global community and should be evaluated based on the “extent to which other legal persons resemble states in their ability to bring [and have] international claims” brought against them. Corporations have been branded as “corporate states”; this is not a U.N. or state designation. To date, “states are unwilling, also, to elevate corporations to the status of a nation.” They “may be a party to a contract recognized by international law and possibly become a subject … but this does not invoke legal capacity to act like a nation.” The opportunity to bestow the quasi-state designation allows world leaders to not only place controls over a growing and specialized corporation but also allows them to protect global citizens at the same time. The insecurity concerning PMCs has created an avenue “to re-establish democratic control” n198 and enhance oversight over this growing multinational corporate segment. A clear message would be articulated that corporations “are legally not more significant than a single human being or a non-governmental organization … . False [they] are just nationals like other nationals in international law,” except they would now be subject to stricter scrutiny for acts committed as a result of their business activity, enhanced prosecutorial reach extended to the ICJ, ICC, and national courts. In one way this actually makes sense, sort of. After all Vatican City is a sovereign city-state with an area of approximately 110 acres and a population of just over 800. As the capital of the Catholic Church, it is the headquarters of a global corporation, albeit of the theological variety. By contrast Xe Services, formerly Blackwater, another multinational, has a headquarters of 7,500 acres and its firepower far outstrips that of the Swiss Guard who protects the Vatican. If they go to war someday I know who I’m putting my money on. And if a PMC decided not to play ball with this arrangement? Prof. Yu writes: PMCs that refuse to cooperate would be classified as “Rogue Companies” and could be prosecuted by another state under the principles of preemptory norm (jus cogens) ( http://definitions.uslegal.com/j/jus-cogens), if the home state refused or was unable to prosecute. Similar to the difference between pirates and legitimate privateers, unregistered companies would be treated like pirates – illegals – and would thus suffer strict and swift punishment. Illegal or unregistered companies would be subject to the U.N.’s declaration that they “violate the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter.” As a result, states would be mandated to “take the necessary steps and to exercise the utmost vigilance against the menace posed by the activities … and to bring to trial those found responsible, or to consider their extradition, if so requested, in accordance with domestic law and applicable bilateral or international treaties.” So, if you are willing to accept the initial premise we could, theoretically, have states issue contracts to PMC to apprehend and bring to justice the perp, oops, I mean the disreputable PMC. It’s rather like the concept of issuing letters of marquee to fight pirates, which, after all, is in Article 1 of the U.S. Constitution. Hmmm, PMC as pirates? I’ll go out on a limb and say PMC probably want to avoid something that could put them in an equivalent status. After all, piracy is considered a breach of jus cogens, an international norm that states must uphold. Pirates are considered by sovereign states to be hostis humani generis (enemies of humanity). Still, I hope PMCs do get quasi-state status, if only so we can see PMC representatives pontificate like all the others at the U.N. General Assembly and the Security Council. Perhaps Eric Prince can come out of retirement and be designated Xe Services’ UN ambassador.

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David Fiderer: The Bush Tax Cuts and the Republican Cult of Affirmative Action

November 14, 2010

“Poor me!” decried Warren Buffett. “I’m forced to pay more income taxes than everyone else in my zip code! Why should everyone else get a free ride?” Because of his affirmative action mindset, which measures tax burden according to headcount instead of income, he was unable to evaluate fiscal matters in a mature, adult fashion. Of course the real Warren Buffet has none of the imbecility evidenced by right wing storefronts like The Heritage Foundation or The American Enterprise Institute , which promote the same claptrap about the superrich being victims of economic discrimination. “The U.S. tax system is already highly progressive,” claims the Heritage Foundation , in text adjacent to a big chart filled with bright pretty colors. “The top 1 percent of income earners paid 40 percent of all federal income taxes in 2007, while the bottom 50 percent paid only 3 percent. More than one-third of U.S. earners paid no federal income tax at all.” Again, it’s all about taxes and headcount, with no mention of income, or income distribution, or fiscal prudence. These guys can’t walk and chew gum at the same time. Two Groups of Taxpayers: Each Earned $1 Trillion To explicate the many levels of deception embedded in these rightwing websites, we can look at some real numbers, and use real financial analysis. The starting point is adjustable gross income, not headcount, because, duh, income taxes are imposed on income. There are two groups that earned equivalent amounts of taxable income, just over a $1 trillion, each representing about 12% of the national total in 2007. We’ll call them Group A and Group B. Group A is the top 0.1% of earners (not the top 1%, the top 1/10 of 1%), all of whom earned in excess of $2.1 million that year. Group B represents the bottom 50% of earners that year, all of whom earned less than $33,000. By definition, the headcount for Group B is 500 times larger than that for Group A. But don’t be fooled into thinking that most of 70 million Americans in Group B earned anything close to the princely sum of $33,000 in 2007. Their average income is less than half that amount. (If you find these numbers surprising, you obviously have not read Arianna’s latest book, Third World America .) Source: IRS Of course, the levels of taxable income seriously understate the disparity in wealth between these two groups. Many wealth transfers escape current taxation, because assets are passed through inheritance with a stepped up tax basis . The rich pay all the taxes and other lies. In terms of dollars and cents, Group A paid six times the total income taxes paid by Group B. “Aha!” say the right wing crackpots. “The rich pay all the taxes and everybody else gets a free ride.” Ariel Fleischer likened the situation to a pyramid scheme, something cooked up by Bernie Madoff. It’s a standard ploy of Fleischer and his ilk: Project your own dishonesty on to others. Fraudsters like Madoff or Enron’s Jeffrey Skilling, or Ariel Fleischer all use the technique. They spew a lot of mumbo jumbo to conceal the truth about where the cash goes. Remember, in the real world, if you lose track of the cash, you are clueless. And in the real world, the notion that Group A pays out significantly more cash to the government than Group B is a great big lie. That’s because the cash paid out in Social Security taxes is used to subsidize the current operating deficit. This fact is indisputable. Look at any the last 20 versions of The Budget and Economic Outlook published by the CBO, or look at historical tables from the OMB or any budget that has come out of the White House since the 1980s. They all say the same thing: The “Off-Budget” results, aka Social Security, show surpluses. The “On-Budget” results, aka government operations, show deficits. The two are netted, so the On-Budget deficits don’t look so bad. The reason it was done this way was because, as noted before, here and here , the Bush Administration thought that Social Security benefits were a revocable promise . And of course Bush eagerly sought to formalize that revocation . Whether you agree or disagree with Bush, here are the facts: In 2007, the On Budget Deficit was $642 billion. In 2007, the Social Security Surplus was $183 billion. In 2007, the Federal deficit was $459 billion. Source: OMB Historical Tables, p. 23 The numbers are irrefutable and all cash is fungible. So if you look at how all the cash is paid into the same budgetary pot, which is the only honest way to do it, then the truth emerges. Group A’s cash contribution of $227 billion is is not six times higher, but only 1.37 times higher than Group B’s cash contribution of $166 billion. And Group A’s tax rate was only 1.4% higher than the national average. (See note on calculations below.) Sources: IRS and OMB Again, we are not talking about fairness here, only financial transparency. Real capitalists don’t coddle millionaire crybabies. If you know something about business or finance, or if you are mature enough to live on a budget, you stay focused on the bottom line. You are always asking: How do I match up my cash revenues with my cash expenditures? There’s never one single answer, because in the real world nothing exists in a vacuum. To maximize revenues and minimize costs you evaluate how a combination of factors work together over the short term and the long term. In other words, if you are serious about fiscal discipline, nothing is off the table. And if you hold a capitalist mindset you know that life is not fair. And while it’s nice to try to be fair and compassionate, performance is the thing that matters. Capitalists believe in rewarding success and punishing failure. As noted here before, we have ten years of performance data on the Bush tax cuts, and they failed by every possible criterion. And by every comparative measure, the tax policy under the Clinton Administration was a stunning success. Real capitalists like Warren Buffet believe we need to go back to what’s been tested and proven in order to determine how the government can boost revenues most efficiently. Suppose we had returned to the proven success of the Clinton Administration, and applied 2001′s average national income tax rate of 14.23%, instead of the actual 2007 rate 12.68%. How would government revenues have been impacted? Revenues would have been boosted by about $136 billion, i.e. the deficit would have been reduced by $136 billion. Of course a real capitalist does not base his decisions on mere averages; he focuses on how to get the most bang for the buck. Think of it this way: If Tiffany’s wants to expand its business, it’s not going to open new stores in Appalachia; it will go where the money is. So lets get back to Group A and Group B. Which group offers the most bang for the buck? On a percentage basis, the Bush tax cuts treated both groups about the same; both saw a percentage reduction of just over 30% in their income tax withholding. For Group A the average tax reduction was about $500,000; for Group B the average tax reduction was about $186, or 50 cents a day. The real numbers illustrate one reason why, comparatively speaking, the rich are getting richer. Even for millionaires, $500,000 a year is a lot of money that they get to keep while the country’s finances fall into a sinkhole of debt. So when we consider how to deal with the federal deficit, which group offers more bang for the buck? The 141,000 taxpayers in Group A, for whom the Bush tax cuts increased the deficit by about $70 billion? Or the 70.5 million taxpayers Group B, for whom the Bush tax cuts increased the deficit by about $12 billion? To real capitalists, like Warren Buffet , the answer is obvious. And it’s time to stop coddling these affirmative action crybabies who say we need special protections for the rich because they pay more than their fair share. And real capitalists have no patience for unregenerate liars like Mitch McConnell who say that tax cuts pay for themselves by stimulating economic growth. They never have and there’s no evidence that, under our current tax structure, they ever will. * * * Note on calculating Social Security Contributions: Here’s how the FICA tax contributions for Group A and Group B were calculated. The FICA tax rate is 12.4% , of which half is withheld from your paycheck and the other half is paid directly by your employer. In a free and competitive marketplace, the tax paid directly by your employer would otherwise be available to be paid out as direct compensation to you. That’s why it’s appropriate to view both halves as a financial burden on employees. In 2007, the 12.4% social security tax was imposed on all wages up to $97,500 , or a maximum of $12,090. So I assumed that each of the 141,071 taxpayers in Group A paid $12,090 in FICA taxes, or $1.7 billion collectively. I applied the 12.4% rate to all of the taxable income in Group B, resulting in a $134 billion tax contribution. Of course some of the members of Group A may not earn any wages and simply live of their investments, as opposed to the people in Group B, who have nothing left over to invest.

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Social Security Judges Face Violent Threats

November 14, 2010

WASHINGTON — Judges who hear Social Security disability cases are facing a growing number of violent threats from claimants angry over being denied benefits or frustrated at lengthy delays in processing claims. There were at least 80 threats to kill or harm administrative law judges or staff over the past year – an 18 percent increase over the previous reporting period, according to data collected by the agency. The data was released to the Association of Administrative Law Judges and made available to The Associated Press. One claimant in Albuquerque, N.M., called his congressman’s office to say he was going to “take his guns and shoot employees” in the Social Security hearing office. In Eugene, Ore., a man who was denied benefits said he is “ready to join the Taliban and hurt some people.” Another claimant denied benefits told a judge in Greenville, S.C., that he was a sniper in the military and “would go take care of the problem.” “I’m not sure the number is as significant as the kind of threats being made,” said Randall Frye, a judge based in Charlotte, N.C., and the president of the judges’ union. “There seem to be more threats of serious bodily harm, not only to the judge but to the judge’s family.” Fifty of the incidents came between March and August, including that of a Pittsburgh claimant who threatened to kill herself outside the hearing office or fly a plane into the building like a disgruntled tax protester did earlier this year at the Internal Revenue Service building in Austin, Texas. A Senate subcommittee is expected to hear testimony on Monday at a field hearing in Akron, Ohio, about the rising number of threats, as well as the status of the massive backlog in applications for disability benefits, which are available to people who can’t work because of medical problems. Nearly 2 million people are waiting to find out if they qualify for benefits, with many having to wait more than two years to see their first payment. Judges say some claimants become desperate after years of fighting for money to help make ends meet. “To many of them, we’re their last best hope for getting relief in the form of income and medical benefits,” said Judge Mark Brown, a vice president of the judge’s union and an administrative law judge hearing cases in St. Louis. While no judges were harmed this year, there have been past incidents: A judge in Los Angeles was hit over the head with a chair during a hearing and a judge in Newburgh, N.Y., was punched by a claimant when he showed up for work. In January, a gunman possibly upset about a reduction in his Social Security benefits killed a security guard during a furious gunbattle at a Nevada federal courthouse. About 1,400 administrative law judges handle appeals of Social Security disability claims at about 150 offices across the country. Many are in leased office space rather than government buildings. Brown said the agency provides a single private security guard for each office building that houses judges. Frye said he has sought more security and a review of the policy that keeps guards out of hearing rooms. He said Social Security Commissioner Michael J. Astrue has promised to look into it. Social Security Administration spokeswoman Trish Nicasio said the agency continually evaluates the level and effectiveness of office security and makes changes as needed. “We are taking appropriate steps to protect our employees and visitors while still providing the level of face-to-face service the public expects and deserves,” Nicasio said. Visitors and their belongings are screened before entering hearing offices and hearings room, she said, and reception desks are equipped with duress alarms to notify the guard immediately of any disturbance. ___ Online: Social Security disability program: http://tinyurl.com/23mb78r

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Pinnacle Security Appoints Stuart Dean as Vice President of Corporate Communications

November 5, 2010

OREM, UT–(Marketwire – November 5, 2010) –  Pinnacle Security, a leader in the residential and commercial security market, today announced the appointment of Stuart Dean as Vice President of Corporate Communications.

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Pinnacle Security Appoints Stuart Dean as Vice President of Corporate Communications

November 5, 2010

OREM, UT–(Marketwire – November 5, 2010) –  Pinnacle Security, a leader in the residential and commercial security market, today announced the appointment of Stuart Dean as Vice President of Corporate Communications.

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Georges Ugeux: Barack Obama Visits Mumbai…on Diwali!

November 5, 2010

Diwali is the most important celebration in India: it begins today and continues through November 9th. It is the equivalent of Christmas for the Christians or Yom Kippur for the Jews. This is the day that the President of the United States has chosen to visit Mumbai. While the Indian authorities have obviously agreed with the decision to pick this time for the President’s trip, much of the Indian press and public percieve the timing as a lack of sensitivity on the part of the U.S. However, this was not an oversight, and the President lit the traditional “diya” or oil lamp for Diwali at the White House yesterday before embarking on this trip. While observing Diwali was a tradition initiated by George W. Bush, Obama is the first U.S. President to attend events associated with the Indian holiday. “To those celebrating Diwali in India, I look forward to visiting you over the next few days. And to all those who will celebrate this joyous occasion on Friday, I wish you, your families and loved ones Happy Diwali and Saal Mubarak,” said the President. He will pay homage to the victims of the heinous Mumbai attack of November 26, 2008, by Pakistani terrorists. He even decided to stay at the Taj Mahal Hotel Palace in Mumbai, the iconic landmark that remained under the control of terrorists for four days. Was it, however, necessary to send home 90% of the 1,400 employees of the hotel, in order to replace them with US staff sent from thousands of miles away? Was it necessary to have a party of 3,000 people accompany the President? And what about the 43 warships around Mumbai? Was it really important to remove the coconuts from the trees surrounding Mumbai’s Gandhi museum? Was it necessary to prohibit Diwali celebrations in the whole District of Colaba in Southern Mumbai? At a time when we are looking for public saving opportunities, shouldn’t we rethink such escalations in security? The United States protects itself by constantly building higher walls. It reminds us of it the illusion of the Babel Tower: we cannot protect ourselves against the sky, let alone reach it. We human beings, are not able to protect ourselves against every risk. Our denial is very expensive. It is interesting to note that he will visit Holy Name High School, run by the Archdiocese of Mumbai, a very exclusive school but not exactly representative of Indian education. What matters, however, is that Mumbaites and Indians in general, are thrilled to receive the U.S. President who enjoys a hugely positive reputation in India. He and the First Lady are extremely popular, and the pride of welcoming them will supersede the rather strange aspects of the trip. The most delicate economic issue that will be addressed by business leaders from India is the attitude of the United States towards outsourcing. Generally demonized and sometimes considered the source of unemployment in the United States, outsourcing has massively improved the competitiveness of US companies and created hundreds of thousands of jobs in the United States. Outsourcing is for India what the value of the Yuan is for China: the target of considerable misconceptions as well as blunt attacks by U.S. officials. Ultimately, the fact of the matter is that the United States could not satisfy its IT needs with the insufficient number of engineers produced by the country’s Universities. At the end of the day, India and the United States have more fundamental issues to discuss, such as the situations in Pakistan and Iran. And it is true: the countries are natural partners. If the U.S. could realize the immensity of its power and influence in India, perhaps any feelings of being threatened by the country would subside. As to the question of a permanent seat for India at the United Nations Security Council, President Obama acknowledges the difficulty of the issue. There is no doubt that President Sarkozy (who favors India’s entrance) will relinquish the French seat to India! Happy Diwali, the Festival of Lights.

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Georges Ugeux: Barack Obama Visits Mumbai…on Diwali!

November 5, 2010

Diwali is the most important celebration in India: it begins today and continues through November 9th. It is the equivalent of Christmas for the Christians or Yom Kippur for the Jews. This is the day that the President of the United States has chosen to visit Mumbai. While the Indian authorities have obviously agreed with the decision to pick this time for the President’s trip, much of the Indian press and public percieve the timing as a lack of sensitivity on the part of the U.S. However, this was not an oversight, and the President lit the traditional “diya” or oil lamp for Diwali at the White House yesterday before embarking on this trip. While observing Diwali was a tradition initiated by George W. Bush, Obama is the first U.S. President to attend events associated with the Indian holiday. “To those celebrating Diwali in India, I look forward to visiting you over the next few days. And to all those who will celebrate this joyous occasion on Friday, I wish you, your families and loved ones Happy Diwali and Saal Mubarak,” said the President. He will pay homage to the victims of the heinous Mumbai attack of November 26, 2008, by Pakistani terrorists. He even decided to stay at the Taj Mahal Hotel Palace in Mumbai, the iconic landmark that remained under the control of terrorists for four days. Was it, however, necessary to send home 90% of the 1,400 employees of the hotel, in order to replace them with US staff sent from thousands of miles away? Was it necessary to have a party of 3,000 people accompany the President? And what about the 43 warships around Mumbai? Was it really important to remove the coconuts from the trees surrounding Mumbai’s Gandhi museum? Was it necessary to prohibit Diwali celebrations in the whole District of Colaba in Southern Mumbai? At a time when we are looking for public saving opportunities, shouldn’t we rethink such escalations in security? The United States protects itself by constantly building higher walls. It reminds us of it the illusion of the Babel Tower: we cannot protect ourselves against the sky, let alone reach it. We human beings, are not able to protect ourselves against every risk. Our denial is very expensive. It is interesting to note that he will visit Holy Name High School, run by the Archdiocese of Mumbai, a very exclusive school but not exactly representative of Indian education. What matters, however, is that Mumbaites and Indians in general, are thrilled to receive the U.S. President who enjoys a hugely positive reputation in India. He and the First Lady are extremely popular, and the pride of welcoming them will supersede the rather strange aspects of the trip. The most delicate economic issue that will be addressed by business leaders from India is the attitude of the United States towards outsourcing. Generally demonized and sometimes considered the source of unemployment in the United States, outsourcing has massively improved the competitiveness of US companies and created hundreds of thousands of jobs in the United States. Outsourcing is for India what the value of the Yuan is for China: the target of considerable misconceptions as well as blunt attacks by U.S. officials. Ultimately, the fact of the matter is that the United States could not satisfy its IT needs with the insufficient number of engineers produced by the country’s Universities. At the end of the day, India and the United States have more fundamental issues to discuss, such as the situations in Pakistan and Iran. And it is true: the countries are natural partners. If the U.S. could realize the immensity of its power and influence in India, perhaps any feelings of being threatened by the country would subside. As to the question of a permanent seat for India at the United Nations Security Council, President Obama acknowledges the difficulty of the issue. There is no doubt that President Sarkozy (who favors India’s entrance) will relinquish the French seat to India! Happy Diwali, the Festival of Lights.

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Andy Stefanovich: In Business or Travel, Recombobulation’s the Ticket

October 27, 2010

Milwaukee’s Mitchell Airport has the right idea with its “recombobulation area.” It’s a cool nod to the challenges of travel these days, from shoe removal to security wands to frantic dashes to distant gates in search of your next connection. For those who haven’t traveled through Mitchell Airport, they’ve named the area on the gate side of security the “recombobulation area.” It’s where you put your shoes and belt back on, repack the laptop and maybe regain a little dignity. It’s more than just the travel experience that leads to the need for a recombobulation space to recover from discombobulating occurrences. But travel is a good metaphor for today’s business life, where boundaries and beliefs are continually deconstructing and reconstructing. It’s a path that’s generally familiar, yet marked by a variety of unknown detours and obstacles. The world of known uncertainties is what the recombobulation area is all about. Sometimes, in travel, in business, in life, you just need to reset yourself. Consider three ways to recombobulate to better deal with the known uncertainties of today’s business times and re-spark your creative edge while you’re at it. Breathe Fresh Air . Fresh air is a rare commodity when you’re traveling. You move from your car to the station or airport and from there to the plane or train. You arrive at your destination, grab another cab and are deposited at the hotel. How much fresh air do you breathe during your travels? When you’re limited to breathing artificial, recirculated air, you’re limiting your exposure to new and different environments and experiences that will help you maintain your creative edge. For the 33 Chilean miners trapped 2,300 feet below ground, it’s a literal issue, leading the Chilean government to look outside the mining industry for solutions. The source of fresh thinking? NASA, whose considerable experience dealing with humans in the isolation and tedium of space is hoped to yield direct benefits here. Own the Process . It’s all too easy when traveling to keep your head down and hope for the best as you surrender to the process. You hope the guy in front of you in the security line knows what he’s doing. You hope your flight departs on time. You hope you make your connection. You hope your luggage arrives. When you own the process, you drive the experience. That’s how McDonald’s restaurants sees things. It has forged ahead with innovations like its expanded beverage offerings during the down economy, and healthy snack wraps as eating habits shift more healthy. Meanwhile, competitor Burger King has hunkered down and merely competed on value, leading to recent struggles. Raise Expectations (Yours and Everyone Else’s) . It’s hard not to fall into the trap of expecting the worst when traveling. “Sure, the flight’s on time. But we’ll probably sit for an hour on the tarmac before we de-plane.” And you’re pleasantly surprised if your low expectations are surpassed. But when you limit expectations to a very low bar, you’re limiting your ability to think big and create big. Consider whoever had any expectations of the Pop-Tart beyond a breakfast food? Kellogg and a group of experiential marketers, that’s who. They’ve re-set everyone else’s expectations with Pop-Tarts World on Times Square, a store dedicated to the delicious treat where you can enjoy Pop-Tarts “sushi,” video games, create your own Pop-Tarts delicacy and more. Recombobulation. It’s an idea whose time has come. Determine how and where you can reset to manage your own known uncertainties. You’ll unleash your inner creative in the process.

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Joseph A. Palermo: Civic-Minded Plutocrats

October 27, 2010

It’s truly touching how much interest in America’s great democratic experiment that our esteemed men and women of industry, finance, and commerce have shown in the 2010 midterm elections. Elementary school teachers across the land might lead civics lessons by pointing to these salt-of-the-Earth hedge-fund managers, oil tycoons, derivatives traders, and outsourcing zealots who are demonstrating such awe-inspiring civic mindedness. Their love of Jeffersonian democracy runs so deep they’re willing to invest millions of dollars in clandestine cash to fill the campaign coffers of some of the most extreme right-wing Senate candidates we’ve ever seen: Christine O’Donnell of Delaware, Carly Fiorina of California, Joe Miller of Alaska, Rand Paul of Kentucky, Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania, Mike Lee of Utah, Marco Rubio of Florida, Ken Buck of Colorado, Sharron Angle of Nevada, Ron Johnson of Wisconsin. Since they’re willing to spend so much money influencing the direction of the nation’s politics might they also express this high sense of civic duty in paying their fair share of taxes at a time when their beloved country faces war and recession? Who are these dedicated citizens who so embody the Jeffersonian spirit? They’re Rob Collins of the “American Action Network”; Bruce Rastetter of the “American Future Fund”; the “60 Plus Association”; Steven Law of “American Crossroads”; Karl Rove of “Crossroads GPS”; Carl Forti, a Rove wannabe, of “Americans for Job Security”; Rupert Murdoch, Tim Phillips of “Americans for Prosperity,” and Dick Armey of “Freedomworks.” Paul Singer and others. And don’t forget the Koch brothers and Thomas Donahue of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce who are aggressively reaching deep into hundreds of Congressional districts, drowning out local issues, and running attack ads against Democratic candidates full of lies, falsehoods, and innuendo. Some citizens might wonder what these Republican fronts and cut-outs, stuffed to the gills with laundered cash from shadowy donors and outside groups, have to hide? Maybe with double-digit unemployment in much of the country, and decades of misguided public policy that has given us the widest gap between the rich and everyone else in history, America’s ruling elite is getting a little nervous that the Plebeians might sour on the beneficence of free markets. Today, about three hundred thousand Americans own about as much of the nation’s wealth as do 180 million of their fellow citizens. On the policy front, these civic-minded plutocrats will make sure that there’ll be deep cuts in the safety net. The Frank-Dodd Act and Obama’s health care initiative will be gutted. Like our illustrious Supreme Court under Chief Justice John Roberts, if the Republicans win Congress next week they will passionately support any measure that benefits corporations at the expense of ordinary human beings. Wouldn’t it be something if the Bin Ladens of the world funneled untraceable cash into Republican candidates’ coffers because they know they can count on the GOP to continue the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, two of their greatest recruiting vehicles? The press, like the Supreme Court, insists on promoting a false equivalency between labor unions and hidden corporate donors even though corporations and their industry associations are currently outspending labor unions 25 to 1. Besides, when labor unions participate in politics the electorate knows what they want, things like higher wages, better working conditions, health care, etc. and their members are working people known in the local community. When corporate behemoths and their front groups finance attack ads against Democrats do we really know exactly what they want? Kickbacks? Pork-barrel contracts? Lax regulations? Bailouts? War? Lost in cacophony of the horse-race press coverage are the policies that the Republicans are pushing. If Americans continue to see their pensions shredded, home values diminished, tax dollars squandered on backstopping for Goldman Sachs and the boys, or thrown away on foreign wars, while their standard of living continues to plummet the time might come when the regular working people out there realize that these plutocrats can possess all the money in the world but couldn’t produce a baloney sandwich without human labor. This election cycle the corporate elites have spent more money than god railing against even the mild, market-friendly reforms President Obama got out of the Senate last year. Poor Obama. He never seemed to figure out that if your political opponents are going to denounce you as a “communist” a “fascist” and an “anti-colonial” Kenyan Mau Mau, you might as well give them something really to squawk about. They want to keep people who work two or three jobs for about $7.20 an hour with not benefits and no set working hours in their place; they want to push wages down in the United States toward the level they pay their impoverished wage-slaves abroad. The Oligarchy has kicked into high gear, exploiting the social dislocations of the Great Recession to disfranchise, pulverize, bat down, and crush the working middle class. They want to gut public institutions, take away worker pensions, and demolish the wogs’ unions and voluntary associations. In a period of Gilded Age inequality they’re hitting us hard with the assistance of George W. Bush’s Supreme Court and Karl Rove’s underhanded political chicanery. The economic meltdown that short-sighted “free market” policies brought upon us has now given the rich and powerful the opening to push their advantage more aggressively than ever. They’re the same “Economic Royalists” that FDR denounced 70 years ago, only now they’re richer, more sophisticated, vicious, and powerful.

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David Isenberg: International Code of Conduct for Private Security Service Providers

October 27, 2010

I had briefly mentioned the International Code of Conduct for Private Security Service Providers when I wrote about the recent IPOA annual summit. But I wan to commend it to your attention. Although I have been skeptical in the past about codes of conduct at a company or trade association level the fact that we are talking about an international one raises the bar for accountability, which is unquestionably a good thing. Let me just highlight a few section that I think merit particular applause. While I don’t normally turn to Donald Rumsfeld as a useful source let’s recall that in 2003 he wrote a memo on fighting the “Global War on Terror” in which he said, “Today, we lack metrics to know if we are winning or losing the global war on terror.” One might say something similar today about private military and security contractors (PMSC), meaning do we really have the procedures in places to measure progress towards effective accountability of PMSC. That is why I like this part of the code: Signatory Companies accordingly commit to work with states, other Signatory Companies, Clients and other relevant stakeholders after initial endorsement of this Code to, within 18 months: a) Establish objective and measurable standards for providing Security Services based upon this Code, with the objective of realizing common and internationally-recognized operational and business practice standards; and b) Establish external independent mechanisms for effective governance and oversight, which will include Certification of Signatory Companies’ compliance with the Code’s principles and the standards derived from the Code, beginning with adequate policies and procedures, Auditing and Monitoring of their work in the field, including Reporting, and execution of a mechanism to address alleged violations of the Code’s principles or the standards derived from the Code. The code has sixteen pages of what PMSC should do and not do so I won’t cite it here. But let’s give credit to the companies for making a good faith effort to address the concerns of its critics. It could not have been easy, to put it mildly, to get all the stakeholders to agree to this. If anyone is going to be in Geneva, Switzerland on November 9 they should definitely stop by for the signing ceremony.

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G.W. Schulz: With Border Surveillance in Trouble, a New Defense Contractor Lines Up

October 26, 2010

At a mid-October conference in Dallas that drew thousands of security industry professionals and government officials, defense mega-contractor Raytheon Co. unveiled its latest pricey product for keeping the nation safe, a bid to remotely detect would-be border crossers before they enter the country illegally. Command-and-control centers staffed by border patrol agents would swiftly collect and analyze mountains of data pouring in from surveillance cameras, radar systems, ground sensors and thermal-image devices busily monitoring possible intruders as they streamed toward the nation’s border. If all of this is starting to sound familiar, it should. Taxpayers have already shelled out at least $615 million to another major defense firm, Boeing Co., which made strikingly similar promises five years ago when it partnered with the Bush administration to create SBInet, a high-tech leg of the larger Secure Border Initiative . SBInet, also referred to as the “virtual fence,” called for filling the desert with modern observation widgets, including a string of towers topped by digital eyes capable of vastly expanding the miles of border that enforcement officers could otherwise effectively secure. The project has since fallen short of expectations, to put it lightly. A series of harsh reviews from congressional investigators at the Government Accountability Office and the Department of Homeland Security’s inspector general have criticized SBInet since its earliest days, pointing to poor planning, cost overruns, scheduling setbacks, technical failures and weak contractor oversight. The latest negative assessment surfaced just days after Raytheon’s announcement. GAO watchdogs called the deficient policing of SBInet’s prime contractor “a major contributor to the program’s well-chronicled history of not delivering promised system capabilities on time and on budget.” Word came Oct. 22 that the Department of Homeland Security would not continue work under Boeing’s contract, and the next day news surfaced that Obama administration officials planned to halt SBInet altogether. Connecticut Sen. Joe Lieberman, chair of the powerful Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, at an April hearing , called SBInet “a classic example of a program that was grossly oversold.” Colleague John McCain — hardly soft-spoken on the issue of border security this election year — piled on. “There’s been a lack of oversight. There’s been a lack of accountability. And by most reports, this virtual fence has been a complete failure.” So why is Raytheon charting a course toward border surveillance after so many costly headaches? For one thing, the Massachusetts-based company was among several that lost an earlier bid for the SBInet contract to Boeing in 2006. Raytheon may now be looking for a second chance to prove itself and simply take over where Boeing has been unsuccessful, rather than offer an entirely different solution with new hardware. (Requests for comment from Raytheon went unanswered.) Plus, the company is smarting over attempts to ink border security deals with Saudi Arabia and the U.K. worth a combined $4.5 billion that fell through. It’s also the case that 20,000 border patrol officers just aren’t enough to cool the ongoing national furor over illegal immigration and drug-cartel violence, even if the estimated price tag of each new hire is $160,000 for background checks, salaries, night-vision goggles and additional necessities. The promise of modern technology continues to be powerfully tempting, and if taxpayers will pony up more, then Raytheon wants a cut. While SBInet appears doomed, lawmakers and federal officials are still talking about what options may be available. GOP Congressman Michael McCaul of Texas sits on the House’s Homeland Security Committee and has said he’ll push for Defense Department technology being used in Afghanistan and Iraq. A DHS spokesman told the Los Angeles Times that border officials will determine “if there are alternatives that may more efficiently, effectively and economically meet our nation’s border security needs.” What exists on the border now is piecemeal. For the total investment so far from taxpayers, which is somewhere in the neighborhood of $800 million or more, two SBInet deployments cover about 53 miles in Arizona, a sliver of the almost 2,000 miles of border the nation shares with Mexico and far from what was originally envisioned. Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano earlier this year yanked $50 million in economic stimulus funds from SBInet, vowing to use it for truck-mounted cameras and other detection gear authorities believed could produce better results. A $600 million border security bill passed by Congress this summer included hiring additional agents and buying new pilotless drones, with $100 million of it coming from canceled SBInet funds. Raytheon says its own “Clear View,” as they’re calling the system, can be integrated with software and devices built by others. But the process of tying together, or integrating, SBInet’s array of highly technical components along a geographically diverse border — from laser range-finders to surveillance cameras to command centers — proved to be exceedingly difficult for Boeing. Trade publications say Raytheon doesn’t limit the application of Clear View just to government clients. It could also be used by private companies to secure sensitive manufacturing facilities, for example. But Washington always has money to spend, and Raytheon emphasizes Clear View’s potential value to the Department of Homeland Security. A former deputy chief of the Border Patrol, who now consults for Raytheon, told Government Security News the company had briefed senior federal officials about Clear View. Raytheon specifically mentioned SBInet at the conference where it showcased the system, arguing Clear View is superior to what Boeing has done because Raytheon’s software can not only “see” those headed for the border but track their movements, all while “correlating thousands of pieces of ever-changing data and presenting a clear and coherent picture of what’s happening at any given moment,” according to GSN . SBInet wasn’t even the first time we forked over substantial sums in an attempt at digital border security. The Clinton administration launched its lesser-known ISIS program in 1997, a planned network of seismic and infrared sensors combined with surveillance cameras. Auditors blasted it, too. For their part, Boeing executives defend SBInet and say the technology had begun to perform reliably, leading to the seizure of narcotics and interception of illegal border crossers. “In terms of performance on the program, progress is evident,” Boeing’s president of network and space systems, Roger Krone, told Congress in March. Apparently that wasn’t enough for Washington — SBInet is now an expensive lesson taxpayers had to learn the hard way. How much more would Raytheon charge for the privilege? G.W. Schulz joined the Center for Investigative Reporting in 2008 to launch its ongoing homeland security project. Read the project’s blog, Elevated Risk, here .

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Narus Appoints Rod Murchison Senior Vice President of Product Management

October 26, 2010

Veteran Executive Brings More Than 20 Years’ Innovation in Addressing Complex Network and Security Needs

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Xceedium Adds Security Heavyweight to Executive Team

October 25, 2010

Ken Ammon, Founder of NetSec and IT Security Evangelist, Joins Zero Trust Access Control Leader as Chief Strategy Officer

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Mark Miller: Will Social Security Be There for Today’s Young Workers?

October 22, 2010

Social Security reform is a touchy subject these days for Thomas Brown and his grandparents. “If I broach it with them, they are against any sort of legislation that would do anything to change Social Security,” says Brown, a 28-year-old financial adviser with Pivot Point Advisors in Houston. “They depend on it, but when I look at my retirement plans, I don’t factor it in. The new way of thinking is that Social Security won’t be there — you have to plan for your own retirement.” I write frequently about the future of Social Security, and pessimistic views like Brown’s always show up in the comments below my stories . Indeed, Gallup reports that six out of ten pre-retirement Americans don’t think Social Security will be able to pay them a benefit when they retire; those age 18-34 are even more pessimistic, with 76 percent saying they’ll get nothing from the system. The doubts aren’t difficult to understand. “If you listen to any number of the news outlets, they’ll tell you the system is going broke,” says Brown. “Every year I get a mailing from Social Security detailing what I can expect in benefits, and they say themselves that it will be bankrupt around 2040 and that they are going to be paying out more than we’re paying in. So it’s not fear, it’s math.” But Social Security isn’t going bankrupt — far from it. The system was intended — and has always been — a pay-as-you-go system, with taxes collected from workers used to pay current retirees. But Social Security also is sitting on a $2.5 trillion Social Security Trust Fund (SSTF) that has been stockpiled to fund the looming wave of baby boomer retirements; that fund is projected to be sufficient to pay benefits until about 2037. Previously published at Reuters .

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AlliedBarton Security Services Expands Healthcare Team With the Promotion of Michael Dunning to Director of Healthcare Quality Assurance

October 21, 2010

CONSHOHOCKEN, PA–(Marketwire – October 21, 2010) – AlliedBarton Security Services, www.alliedbarton.com , the industry’s premier provider of highly trained security personnel, announces the promotion of Michael Dunning to the new position of Director, Healthcare Quality Assurance. Dunning, who has been employed at AlliedBarton for the past five years, was previously Account Manager at the Atlanta Medical Center where he served as Director of Security and Emergency Management.

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Former ArcSight Executive Larry Lunetta Joins Replay Solutions as CEO

October 19, 2010

Silicon Valley Veteran to Lead Startup Into Next Generation of Java Quality, Security and Compliance

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Former ArcSight Executive Larry Lunetta Joins Replay Solutions as CEO

October 19, 2010

Silicon Valley Veteran to Lead Startup Into Next Generation of Java Quality, Security and Compliance

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Thomas Robertson: Global Business Leaders Can Help Drive Positive Social Outcomes

October 18, 2010

With global markets in turmoil, governments around the world have been busy putting out the fires of market-originated crises and laying the groundwork to rebuild in their aftermath. They have done so sometimes individually and sometimes in coordination with one another, utilizing gatherings such as the G-20 meeting, which convenes in November in Seoul. Yet governments, whether alone or in concert, can move us forward only so far. If past financial dislocations are any guide, business and the markets must do their part to fuel economic recovery and generate new development. This fall’s G-20 meeting will be accompanied by a parallel B-20 Business Summit of global businesses — a positive sign that the international business community is recognizing and embracing the critical and transformative role it can play on the global stage. I believe that business, arguably the most powerful resource on the planet, must take a leading role in addressing the challenges the world faces, and not just in the economic sphere. Environmental degradation, global climate change, poverty, disease, and human exploitation are all concerns that business should help address. All the better if this responsible reaction to the world’s problems can promote profits at the same time that it improves quality of life. When businesses work to solve social problems, they endorse connectivity and collaboration. The goal is to increase the velocity of commerce that drives progress and creates newly-empowered generations of consumers eager and prepared to embrace the security and rewards of middle class life. Yet, traditionally, most business schools and global businesses have focused on the developed world, largely ignoring three-quarters of the world’s population. This mindset is shifting dramatically, not only out of a sense of social purpose, but also because it has become increasingly clear that the world’s future economic growth lies outside the developed nations. Business schools and the graduates of our programs have an obligation to create knowledge and advance business approaches that will enhance social and economic welfare in these developing countries and further accelerate the rise of a new global middle class. At Wharton it is central to our mission: business can and must be a force for good. For what is missing in many developing market economies is management capability and the sense of entrepreneurship that allows people to create their own destinies by building new enterprises. After all, the next generation will encounter business challenges and opportunities that don’t yet exist. People need to be able to develop the skills that will enable them to adapt to the changing marketplace, whether that means launching a new business, embracing a new business model, finding a new way to communicate, or pioneering a new technology. Business leaders in growing economies who seek to make a global impact will need to adapt to international business practices, regulations, ethical standards, and demands for transparency. This is where business schools can and should play a major role. We need to develop new approaches to building opportunities and enterprises in every region of the world, while at the same time empowering future business leaders to embrace the potential for private enterprise to serve the public good. As Dean of the Wharton School, I have witnessed first-hand the talents and values of this new generation, and I am confident that under their leadership, we will see the emergence of a new economic architecture — one focused on expanding prosperity for all, rather than on maximizing profit for a few. Meanwhile today’s global business leaders must continue to examine their roles in addressing economic challenges and creating social value. At the B-20 Business Summit in November, international business leaders will gather to discuss ways to reenergize trade and help jumpstart the post-crisis recovery trajectory. This is incredibly heartening, for such gatherings are just the kind we need to re-engage business leaders in a thoughtful goal-setting discussion about facilitating freer trade and investment flows, helping the financial markets serve society’s interests, and promoting worthy environmental and social responsibility agendas. Thomas Robertson is the dean of The Wharton School

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Mark Miller: No Social Security Cost of Living Adjustment Is No Cause for Anger

October 15, 2010

For a second consecutive year, Social Security recipients won’t receive a cost-of-living adjustment (COLA) in 2011, according to the Social Security Administration. The news was widely anticipated. Social Security has had an automatic annual COLA feature since 1975, which is determined by the third quarter Consumer Price Index for Urban Wage Earners and Clerical Workers (CPI-W). In the third quarter of 2008 — just before the economy crashed — the CPI-W spiked temporarily, the result of a big increase in energy prices. The result was a whopping 5.8 percent boost in Social Security benefits for 2009 — a raise that was especially generous considering the near-absence of inflation in the post-crash economy. Seniors on Social Security or disability benefits also received a one-time payment of $250 under the 2009 stimulus. Social Security payments can’t fall under federal law, so benefits were held level in 2010, and will continue that way until the CPI numbers exceed the 2008 CPI-W index level. Today’s final third quarter CPI report determines that payments will stay steady again in 2011. While it’s disappointing news for seniors, it’s important to keep the COLA news in perspective. See my post at Reuters on why Social Security COLA complainers should settle down .

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Seniors Brace For Social Security Freeze

October 12, 2010

BOCA RATON, Fla. — Seniors prepared to cut back on everything from food to charitable donations to whiskey as word spread Monday that they will have to wait until at least 2012 to see their Social Security checks increase. The government is expected to announce this week that more than 58 million Social Security recipients will go through a second straight year without an increase in monthly benefits. This year was the first without an increase since automatic adjustments for inflation started in 1975. “I think it’s disgusting,” said Paul McNeil, 69, a retired state worker from Warwick, R.I., who said his food and utility costs have gone up, but his income has not. He lamented decisions by lawmakers that he said do not favor seniors. “They’ve got this idea that they’ve got to save money and basically they want to take it out of the people that will give them the least resistance,” he said. Cost-of-living adjustments are automatically set by a measure adopted by Congress in the 1970s that orders raises based on the Consumer Price Index, which measures inflation. Social Security benefits will remain unchanged as long as consumer prices remain below the level they were at in 2008, the last time a COLA was awarded. Still, seniors like McNeil said they’ll be thinking about the issue when they go to vote, and experts said the news comes at a bad time for Democrats already facing potentially big losses in November. Seniors are the most loyal of voters, and their support is especially important during midterm elections, when turnout is generally lower. “If you’re the ruling party, this is not the sort of thing you want to have happening two weeks before an election,” said Andrew Biggs, a former deputy commissioner at the Social Security Administration and now a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. At St. Andrews Estates North, a Boca Raton retirement community, seniors largely took the news in stride, saying they don’t blame Washington for the lack of an increase. Most are also collecting pensions or other income, but even so, they prepared to tighten their belts. Bette Baldwin won’t be able to travel or help her children as much. Dorcas Eppright will give less to charity. Jack Dawson will buy cheap whiskey instead of his beloved Canadian Club. “For people who have worked their whole life and tried to scrimp and save and try to provide for themselves,” said Baldwin, a 63-year-old retired teacher, “it’s difficult to see that support system might not sustain you.” Baldwin and her husband mapped out their retirements, carefully calculating their income based on their pensions and Social Security checks. Trouble is, they expected an annual cost-of-living increase. “When we cut back, we’re cutting back on niceties,” Baldwin said. “But there are other people that don’t have anything to cut back on. They’re cutting back on food and shelter.” Many at St. Andrews said the cost-of-living decision won’t affect who they vote for next month. But seniors tied the Social Security issue to what they see as a larger societal problem with debt, entitlements and hopefulness for the future. “I’m kind of glad in a way,” Stella Wehrly, an 86-year-old retired secretary, said of the freeze. “One thing depends on the other and when people aren’t working there’s not enough people feeding into the Social Security system.” Wehrly and her husband, Hank, said curtailing government spending is necessary to maintain the Social Security system. “We have a generation now that we’re not going to leave a very good legacy for,” she said. Jack Dawson, 77, said the freeze is the right move considering the state of the government and the American economy. “Who would be surprised what’s happened?” he asked. “I feel this is the right decision in light of the malaise.” More than 58.7 million people rely on Social Security checks that average $1,072 monthly. It was the primary source of income for 64 percent of retirees who got benefits in 2008; one-third relied on Social Security for at least 90 percent of their income. At the Phoenix Knits yarn shop in Phoenix, 73-year-old owner Pat McCartney said she already worries about paying for utilities, groceries and gas. Not having the increase makes her worry even more. “If I have any major expense, I don’t know what I’ll do,” McCartney said while helping customers with their knitting. “I live on Social Security.” In Kansas City, Mo., Georgia Hollman, 80, said Social Security is her sole source of income. She would have liked a bigger check, but said she’s grateful for what she gets. “There isn’t nothing I can do about it but live with it,” she said. “Whatever they give us is what we have to take. I’m thankful we get that little bit.” Advocates for seniors argue the Consumer Price Index doesn’t adequately weigh the costs that most affect older adults, particularly medical care and housing. “The existing COLA formula does not account for the economic reality of the true costs that most seniors faced,” said Fernando Torres-Gil, director of UCLA’s Center for Policy Research on Aging and the first person appointed to the governmental post of assistant secretary for aging, during the Clinton administration. Still, Torres-Gil said the political reality is different, and many feel seniors are lucky to have their checks determined by the CPI, instead of some new formula that might make it even harder to secure a raise. “We may be just lucky to keep the current index,” he said. __ Associated Press writers Michelle Smith in Providence, R.I., Terry Tang in Phoenix, Heather Hollingsworth in Kansas City, Mo., and Stephen Ohlemacher in Washington contributed to this report. (This version CORRECTS Corrects final quote to include word ‘be’. This story is part of AP’s general news and financial services. AP Video.)

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Afghan Security Contractors Trashed In Senate Report

October 7, 2010

WASHINGTON — Heavy U.S. reliance on private security in Afghanistan has helped to line the pockets of the Taliban because contractors often don’t vet local recruits and wind up hiring warlords and thugs, Senate investigators said Thursday. The finding, in a report by the Senate Armed Services Committee, follows a separate congressional inquiry in June that concluded that trucking contractors pay tens of millions of dollars a year to local warlords for convoy protection. Sen. Carl Levin, chairman of the Senate panel, said he is worried the U.S. is unknowingly fostering the growth of Taliban-linked militias at a time when Kabul is struggling to recruit its own soldiers and police officers. “Almost all are Afghans. Almost all are armed,” Levin, a Michigan Democrat, said of the army of young men working under U.S. contracts. “We need to shut off the spigot of U.S. dollars flowing into the pockets of warlords and power brokers who act contrary to our interests and contribute to the corruption that weakens the support of the Afghan people for their government,” he added. The Defense Department doesn’t necessarily disagree but warns that firing the estimated 26,000 private security personnel operating in Afghanistan in the near future isn’t practical. This summer, U.S. forces in Afghanistan pledged to increase their oversight of security contractors and set up two task forces to look into allegations of misconduct and to track the money spent, particularly among lower-level subcontractors. The Defense Contract Management Agency has increased the number of auditors and support staff in the region by some 300 percent since 2007. And in September, Gen. David Petraeus, the top war commander in Afghanistan, directed his staff to consider the impact that contract spending has on military operations. But military officials and Republicans on the Senate Armed Services Committee warn that ending the practice of hiring local guards could worsen the security situation in Afghanistan. They say providing young Afghan men with employment can prevent them from joining the ranks of Taliban fighters. And bringing in foreign workers to do jobs Afghans can do is likely to foster resentment, they say. Also, contract security forces fill an immediate need at a time when U.S. forces are focused on operations, commanders say. “As the security environment in Afghanistan improves, our need for (private security contractors) will diminish,” Petraeus told the Senate panel in July. “But in the meantime, we will use legal, licensed and controlled (companies) to accomplish appropriate missions.” Levin says he isn’t suggesting that the U.S. stop using private security contractors altogether. But, he adds, the U.S. must reduce the number of local security guards and improve the vetting process of new hires if there’s any hope of reversing a trend that he says damages the U.S. mission in Afghanistan. His report represents the broadest look at Defense Department security contracts so far, with a review of 125 of these agreements between 2007 and 2009. The review concludes there were “systemic failures” in the management of the contracts, including “widespread” failures “to adequately vet, train and supervise armed security personnel.” The panel’s report highlights two cases in which security contracting firms ArmorGroup and EOD Technology relied on personnel linked to the Taliban. Last week, EOD Technology was one of eight security firms hired by the State Department under a $10 billion contract to provide protection for diplomats. A statement released by EOD Technology said the Lenoir City, Tenn.-based company had been encouraged to hire local Afghans and that it provided the names of its employees to the military for screening. The company said the military has never made it aware of any problems with its handling of the contract. In the case of ArmorGroup, the Senate panel says the company repeatedly relied on warlords to find local guards, including the uncle of a known Taliban commander. The uncle, nicknamed “Mr. White” by ArmorGroup after a character in the violent movie “Reservoir Dogs,” was eventually killed after a U.S. raid that uncovered a cache of weapons, including anti-tank land mines. ArmorGroup, based in McLean, Va., lost a separate contract this year protecting the U.S. Embassy in Kabul after allegations surfaced that guards engaged in lewd behavior and sexual misconduct at their living quarters. Susan Pitcher, a spokeswoman for Wackenhut Services, ArmorGroup’s parent company, said the company only engaged workers from local villages upon the “recommendation and encouragement” of U.S. special operations troops. Pitcher said that ArmorGroup stayed in “close contact” with the military personnel “to ensure that the company was constantly acting in harmony with, and in support of, U.S. military interests and desires.” The allegation that contractors rely on warlords for local hiring is not new. Last June, a Democratic House investigation led by Massachusetts Rep. John Tierney concluded that trucking companies had “little choice” but to pay local warlords “in what amounts to a vast protection racket.” Army criminal investigators are examining the allegations, specifically looking at whether companies hired under a $2 billion Pentagon contract to transport food, water, fuel and ammunition to troops were paying up to $4 million a week to insurgent groups. In August, Afghan President Hamid Karzai announced that private security contractors would have to cease operations by the end of the year. The workers, he said, would have to either join the government security forces or stop work because they were undermining Afghanistan’s police and army and contributing to corruption. U.S. officials responded that they shared the goal but wanted to move slow enough that military efforts weren’t impacted. Levin says he blames lost money to the Taliban on a lack of government oversight until this year. He previously has blamed the Bush administration for not devoting enough resources to the war in general. Led by Arizona Sen. John McCain, committee Republicans endorsed the investigative findings in a voice vote last month. But in a statement included in the report, they said Levin’s investigation “falls short of providing a more robust discussion of how slim our options were at the time.”

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Former White House Director of Cyber-Security Policy Appointed to Infrax Systems (IFXY) Board of Advisors

October 5, 2010

Ely Kahn to Play a Strategic Advisory Role in the Development of Infrax’s Security Platforms

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Pandering To Clients, Firm Distances Itself From Wall Street Whistleblower’s Testimony

October 5, 2010

When the former president and chief operating officer of Wall Street’s foremost mortgage-loan due diligence firm testified under oath before a federal panel that the firm’s standards were a joke — that they rubber-stamped at least a quarter-million highly toxic mortgages — his former employer’s representative, seated next to him at the hearing table, didn’t say a word to contradict him. In fact, the two were quite cordial. The company lawyer, seated behind the two, didn’t say anything, either. That was two weeks ago. Now, D. Keith Johnson’s old company, Clayton Holdings, is distancing itself from the statements of its former executive, telling the same government investigators that his claims were “inaccurate.” Clayton sent the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission a letter pushing back against Johnson’s claim that as much as 28 percent of the home mortgage loans it passed on to investors and credit-rating agencies failed to meet basic underwriting standards. The company also shared that letter with at least one credit rating agency, Fitch Ratings, which in turn leaked it to at least one rival news reporter. The Huffington Post obtained the letter from Clayton late Monday. Spreading the letter around suggests that the company seeks not only to discredit its former president’s testimony, but also to calm nervous Clayton clients and other market participants who could face litigation or further government investigations into what those firms knew, and when. During the boom years, Clayton controlled as much as 70 percent of the market for so-called third-party due diligence, the act of analyzing mortgages given to borrowers with poor credit for Wall Street firms, which then packaged and sold those mortgages in the form of bonds and other securities to investors, Johnson testified. During a Sept. 23 hearing in Sacramento, Calif., first reported by The Huffington Post , Johnson and a current Clayton executive, Vicki Beal, described Clayton data showing that not only did more than a quarter of loans sampled fail to meet underwriting standards, but also that Wall Street banks ignored Clayton’s recommendations nearly half the time and likely purchased those loans anyway, selling them to unwitting investors who were never told that the biggest home loan due diligence firm in the country had found potential defects in these mortgages. Under oath, Johnson referred to the findings as “alarming.” He added that he thought the firm’s findings should have been disclosed to investors during this period, and that they could have been “material,” meaning relevant to a possible legal judgment. An untold number of lawsuits have been filed in the wake of the subprime mortgage crisis and subsequent housing market collapse — filed by investors, homeowners, government-backed entities and counterparties. But Clayton is pushing back against Johnson’s testimony after various market participants reached out to the Connecticut-based firm and expressed concerns with what Johnson — and by extension Clayton — was sharing with the public, according to its letter and people familiar with the matter. Now under pressure, Clayton is trying to undo whatever damage the public release of its data and testimony of current and former executives may bring to past, current and future clients, people familiar with the matter say. Johnson, who testified both in public with Beal, who was accompanied by Clayton counsel, and in at least one private interview in the presence of Clayton counsel, told the crisis commission how his former firm tried to capitalize on its data by meeting with the three major credit rating agencies — Fitch, Standard and Poor’s, and Moody’s Investors Service — and pitching them on the firm’s services. Clayton met multiple times with the rating firms throughout 2006 and ’07, according to Johnson’s testimony and Clayton’s letter. Clayton was able to track whether loans met standards, and how often those that didn’t were waived into pools by Wall Street firms, which then likely purchased them and bundled them into securities, according to testimony and documents provided to the crisis commission. Clayton could tell, in effect, how often firms like Morgan Stanley and Deutsche Bank ignored its red flags, on which mortgages, and when. Company representatives thought this capability could serve Wall Street banks in their quest to identify declining underwriting standards at subprime mortgage originators like New Century Financial and Fremont Investment & Loan. If Morgan Stanley, for example, knew that a certain percentage of New Century loans didn’t pass muster, it could force the lender to tighten its standards. A Wall Street firm could also recognize how often its employees purposely ignored red flags and purchased possibly defective loans. Traders, who got their bonuses in large part based on volume, effectively ran the mortgage-securitization practices at many firms. The more securities they bundled and sold, the higher their bonuses. Risk management officials could have used the Clayton data to rein them in. Just over half — 54 percent — of the more than 910,000 loans Clayton sampled met underwriting standards, documents show. Another 18 percent met the standards with the help of mitigating factors, like a huge down payment, for example. The rest — 28 percent — were initially flagged by Clayton. Of those, 39 percent were waived in by firms like Morgan and Deutsche, among others. Virtually every big Wall Street firm used Clayton, records provided to the crisis commission show. Clayton data could have helped managers “get 54 percent closer to 100 percent,” Johnson testified. “Good managers manage exceptions and try to get that down,” he said. Credit rating agencies could have used it, too. Clayton’s due diligence reports were “a great product to show clients,” Johnson told the commission last month. In a series of acts which the commission’s chairman, Phil Angelides, described as “enlightened self interest,” Clayton pitched its services to rating firms by effectively saying, “Wouldn’t this information be great for you to have as you assign tranche levels of risk?” Johnson testified. A typical mortgage-backed security is divided into different levels, called tranches, given different ratings based on risk of default. The lower tiers, wiped out first if homeowners defaulted on their loans, were the riskiest and thus have the lowest ratings but offer the highest yields. Higher tranches, wiped out last, have the best ratings but offer the lowest yields. They are supposed to be safer. Firms like Fitch and S&P could have used Clayton data to help them better analyze the risk of default, given information like the percentage of loans in the security that failed to meet underwriting standards. “All of them thought this was great” and “wonderful to have,” Johnson testified. But the rating agencies declined to sign up for the service. The reason, Johnson said, was that if a rating agency bought Clayton’s services it would likely have been more stringent, which would have cost it market share as Wall Street issuers turned to a more permissive rater. That’s where Clayton tries to put distance between itself and Johnson, who in Clayton’s 2007 annual report, filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission , was among three executives described as “difficult to replace” and who the firm depended on “in large part” for its “future success.” “The loss of their services could have an adverse effect on our business and results of operations,” Clayton said of Johnson and two other executives. According to its Sept. 30 letter, Clayton claims Johnson presented “inaccurate testimony” by telling the crisis commission that the firm took its client reports and data to the rating agencies. “First, at no time did Clayton share any client reports or data, much less the beta Trending Reports, with any rating agency,” reads the letter, addressed to Angelides and signed by Paul T. Bossidy, Clayton’s chief executive officer. “Let me be clear, Clayton never shared any client reports or data with the rating agencies during a period when the rating agencies were reviewing securities for ratings issuance. “Second, Clayton used these meetings solely to market its products. At no point did Clayton set up a meeting with a rating agency in an effort to discuss ‘concerns’ Clayton had about the securitization process and the ratings being issued. “Indeed, as detailed below, the only discussions Clayton had with the rating agencies regarding changes to the due diligence process occurred after [emphasis in original] the securitization market for new issues had collapsed in early 2007. Simply stated, there was nothing Clayton discussed with the various rating agencies prior to the collapse of the securitization market, that to Clayton’s knowledge would have lead the rating agencies to alter their approach. But Johnson never said he took client reports or data to the rating agencies. He simply referred to Clayton’s “exception-tracking mechanism,” which Clayton rolled out to its clients beginning in late 2005, according to its letter. The overall trends Clayton identified — again, more than a quarter of loans failed to meet underwriting standards — could have been enough to pique a credit rater’s interest, though. Yet Clayton spent the next several paragraphs asserting that it never shared this data, repeatedly pointing out whether Johnson, its former chief operating officer, was present in these meetings with the rating agencies. Johnson declined to comment. A Clayton spokesman declined to comment beyond the letter. Clayton then went on to explain how three current and former Clayton executives “advised against the [crisis] Commission’s reliance” on the firm-specific data Clayton provided. The reports suffered from a “lack of standardization” and too many “variations” which means, “when aggregated and measured across our clients, it is not possible to form a meaningful basis of comparison,” according to the letter. Because of these “constraints,” a former Clayton executive said she expected it to take “several years” to complete reports that would allow for meaningful comparisons. Thus, the crisis commission “should not draw any conclusions” from the reports that compared Morgan to Deutsche and so on. If it did, however, the panel should provide “these appropriate caveats so that the information is not misleading to the public.” However, Clayton was trying to sell the service that produced the reports it’s now attempting to back away from. The firm dominates the due diligence market for residential mortgages. It claims to have developed a reputation as the “go to” firm for risk analysis, according to its website . But even if those reports were bogus, Clayton never indicated that during public testimony, despite ample opportunities. During the hearing, Johnson testified alongside Beal in an almost conversational format in which both frequently spoke up and offered testimony while the other was being questioned — a different setting than the commission’s typically more formal hearings in Washington. Beal was flanked by legal counsel for Clayton. At no point did Beal or a Clayton attorney interject and try to rebut Johnson or challenge his claims. And Johnson, like other witnesses typically before the commission, had previously been interviewed by the panel’s investigators. In past hearings, when commissioners caught inconsistencies between the testimony provided in private versus public, they drew attention to it and asked witnesses to explain. Nothing of the sort occurred during the Sept. 23 hearing for Johnson. And according to Clayton’s letter, the commission interviewed several current and former Clayton employees. In past FCIC hearings, when employees of the same firm or agency gave conflicting testimony, commissioners would likewise raise it publicly and demand clarification. Nothing like that occurred during Johnson’s hearing, an indication Johnson’s claims were in lockstep with Clayton data and the information provided by Johnson’s former coworkers. A spokesman for the commission acknowledged receipt of Clayton’s letter and said the commission is reviewing it. He declined to provide further comment. Speculation about Clayton’s motives to send the letter a week after the public hearing center on the firm’s desire to not run afoul of former, current or future clients. The information provided to the FCIC “should have a phenomenal effect legally, both in terms of the ability of investors to force put-backs and to sue for fraud,” Joshua Rosner, managing director at independent research consultancy Graham Fisher & Co., told the Huffington Post shortly after the Sept. 23 hearing. Original buyers of these securities could sue for fraud; distressed investors, who buy assets on the cheap, could force issuers to take back the mortgages and swallow the losses. As for the rating agencies, which declined to use Clayton’s service for fear of losing market share, according to Johnson, the newly-unearthed information could cause both legal and regulatory headaches. Sources say Clayton provided its letter to at least one firm active in the securities industry. Asked how Fitch Ratings obtained a copy of the letter, a Fitch spokesman declined to comment. Johnson testified in September that the mortgage madness “could have stopped … if the right data went to the rating agencies.” READ Clayton’s letter to the FCIC: Clayton Holdings Letter To Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission ************************* Shahien Nasiripour is the business reporter for the Huffington Post. You can send him an e-mail ; bookmark his page ; subscribe to his RSS feed ; follow him on Twitter ; friend him on Facebook ; become a fan ; and/or get e-mail alerts when he reports the latest news. He can be reached at 646-274-2455.

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David Isenberg: Putting the Lawyers in Lawyers, Guns and Money

September 28, 2010

Doubtlessly, Warren Zevon and writer of the legendary song, Lawyers, Guns and Money, would appreciate this, if he were still alive. By now you may have noted that I like writing about law journal articles on private military and security contractors. Perhaps it is just because reading them put me to sleep quicker than taking Sominex. Nevertheless once you get past the deadly eye glazing prose, at least to those of who aren’t lawyers, they do have interesting things to say. The latest to attract my attention is Military Lawyers, Private Contractors, and the Problem of International Law Compliance by Laura A. Dickinson , published earlier this year in the New York University Journal of International Law and Politics. Dickinson is Professor of Law, Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law at Arizona State University and author of the forthcoming book, ” Outsourcing War and Peace: Preserving Public Values in a World of Privatized Foreign Affairs . She accepts that private contractors are likely to become a permanent part of the military landscape. Her concern is how can we make it more likely that contractors will respect core human rights norms? She writes it will not be sufficient merely to focus on the degree to which these contractors are formally governed by international and domestic law. In her view, “the problem is much less about the formal legal framework and much more about the subtle ways in which norm compliance actually operates on the ground. After all, legal rules are often followed not because of the formal existence of a norm, but because of more inchoate processes involving how much the legal norm is internalized by relevant actors.” Specifically she seeks to understand how international legal norms are currently inculcated within the uniformed military, and then see whether those institutional structures are less present (or indeed are undermined entirely) in the private military context. To do so she summarizes conclusions drawn from a series of interviews she conducted with U.S. military lawyers in the Judge Advocate General (JAG) Corps. She says these lawyers, embedded with troops in combat and consulting daily with commanders, have, to a large degree, internalized the core values inscribed in international law–respect for human rights and the imposition of limits on the use of force–and seek to operationalize those values. In her view their stories strongly indicate that the presence of lawyers on the battlefield can help produce military decisions that are more likely to comply with international legal norms. Dickinson believes that: Differences in organizational structure and institutional culture (and not just differences in the applicable legal regime) may be principal reasons that the rise of private military firms threatens core rule of law values. In particular, the use of contractors may jeopardize certain aspects of military culture, both because the intermingling of contractors and uniformed troops on the battlefield may weaken public values within the military, and because contractors operating outside the military chain of command may themselves develop a different organizational culture and set of values that come to predominate in conflict and post-conflict situations as contractors assume ever-greater responsibilities. Thus, if we are to address how to maintain public law values in an era of privatization, we must take seriously the question of organizational structure and culture, its importance, and the ways it might be shaped. Organizational theory have long recognized that group norms and internal organizational structures can further (or hinder) an organization’s goals, as well as the goals of individuals within organizations. The central question is how best to ensure that compliance agents within an organization–such as lawyers– can most effectively bring about compliance with central rules and values of the firm as well as various public norms. Theory suggests such agents will tend to be most effective under the right conditions: (1) the accountability agents must be integrated with other, operational employees; (2) the agents must have a strong understanding of, and sense of commitment to, the rules and values being enforced; (3) they must be operating within an independent hierarchy; and (4) they must be able to confer benefits or impose penalties on employees based on compliance. Uniformed military lawyers–the career judge advocates–are essentially the compliance unit within the military. These lawyers work to ensure that commanders and troops obey the rules of engagement, which are the rules that operationalize the law of armed conflict in a particular war or occupation. Dickinson spends several pages describing in exacting detail how JAGs do this so I will spare you the details. But, and I’m sure you see this coming, in contrast, her interviews reveal that contractors largely fall outside this organizational accountability framework. While they may receive some training in the rules regarding the use of force, that training does not typically include updated advice on the battlefield about how the rules apply in specific scenarios likely to arise on that battlefield. Contractors also do not receive ongoing situational advice from military lawyers or even from private lawyers employed by the firm itself. Indeed, although the contract firms do employ lawyers, these lawyers do not typically spend time on the battlefield and do not have the same independent chain of command that is available to uniformed military lawyers. Finally, the accountability system that has applied to troops has not, at least until recently, been extended to contractors. Thus, the interviews suggest that many crucial, though subtle, mechanisms of compliance with public values are significantly weakened in the privatization process. I should take a moment here to note that many PMC advocates often argue that the discipline and accountability that former military personnel experienced on active duty somehow carries over automatically when they work as private security contractors. It’s as if a Good PSC Fairy waves her wand and these qualities are transferred over by some sort of magical osmosis. Of course, only those who have never served on active military duty could say this with a straight face. Anyone who has ever been in the military understands that due to the stakes the military invests enormous resources into processes like chain of command, command responsibility, and individual accountability. In terms of its scope and breadth the private sector simply has no equivalent. To understand why this is a real problem, consider the following excerpts from the JAG interviews: Judge advocates described a somewhat uneasy relationship between contractors and troops, and in particular, between security contractors and troops. Although they respected the willingness of these contractors to put themselves in danger, the judge advocates interviewed perceive security contractors to be more willing to shoot than troops and therefore worry about the impact of these contractors on the overall missions in Iraq and Afghanistan. … Judge advocates also reported that the attitude of the contractors seemed to have a negative impact on the troops, in part because the contractors did not need to follow the same military discipline. As one judge advocate observed, “Blackwater gave the impression, ‘We’re going to do what we want and we don’t have to follow the rules. We’re not in America.’” Such an attitude: was bad for us because the soldiers saw it. I would talk to company commanders, with 6-9 years military experience, supervising young soldiers putting boots on ground, on the receiving end of insurgents. They could see the Blackwater guy drinking, on steroids, not following rules. It fostered discipline problems. … A number of judge advocates reported that individuals who had left the military because of discipline problems but were later hired by private firms to work as contractors. As one judge advocate observed, “There were plenty of stories that a guy working as a contractor got court-martialed when he was a platoon member, and now he’s back making $100 grand [per year],” as compared to uniformed military specialists who only earn $20,000. As another judge advocate noted, “I used to hear that some of the contractor guys, security contractors and others, had been kicked out of uniform, not for serious disciplinary issues, but rather because they got administratively separated. Now they were making $80,000 riding desk at [the Coalition Provisional Authority].” Yet another judge advocate reported, “There are stories that circulate among the JAGs that a soldier who’s been kicked out of the army with a bad conduct discharge can turn around and earn twice as much working for a contractor. “While, as the judge advocates acknowledge, these stories may be apocryphal, they reflect the unease that the judge advocates feel about the ability of contractors to flout military rules without suffering employment consequences. … Finally, the judge advocates generally reported that the training of the private security contractors was not as extensive as for troops. As one judge advocate recounted, “We were told they received training in their own rules on the use of force. We were told that they received certification from their super visors, and there was a form.” But, as this judge advocate observed, “There was no looking behind the forms.” Under federal law, contractor employees must be certified as having no prior convictions for domestic violence, but judge advocates report that the certification process was “completely ineffective” because “while violence against women is a serious offense,” it is not the best indicator of whether someone will use a weapon properly in Iraq. And as for whether third-country nationals had a criminal record or had even been convicted of war crimes, “no one was looking behind the veil on this.” Of course, at this point PMC advocates would argue that new laws passed in recent years, mainly modifications to the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act and the Uniform Code of Military Justice, helps solve these problems. Uh right; here is what Dickinson says in regard to that: First, it appears that few of the security contractor firms have accountability agents or ombudspersons who are charged with monitoring abuses and who are actually integrated in the field with operational employees, as the judge advocates are. While the firms typically rely on their general counsel for legal advice, the lawyers in these offices appear to remain primarily at headquarters rather than deploying in the field. … Second, the employees of these companies seem to lack a strong sense of even what the applicable laws and norms are, let alone have any great commitment to them. For example, in congressional testimony, Blackwater CEO Erik Prince appeared to have at best a murky understanding of the precise legal rules and regulations that governed his employees’ use of force and available accountability mechanisms for the misuse of that force. Thus, he asserted that his employees were subject to punishment in military courts under the Uniform Code of Military Justice, even though the military had not yet implemented recently enacted legislation extending military jurisdiction to contractors, and even though UCMJ jurisdiction over State Department–as opposed to Defense Department–contractors had still not been clearly established. … Third, contract employees seem to receive insufficient training in applicable laws and rules, particularly those that govern the use of force. While such contracts often now require training, government reports and other investigations have suggested in numerous instances that this training has not been adequate. … Fourth, the fact that many companies use foreign labor complicates training and accountability efforts, as well as the broader effort to instill public law values. So what is to be done? While there have been a few baby steps taken, such as giving JAGs the authority to investigate and prosecute cases of contractor misconduct or allowing security contractors to receive training from judge advocates Dickinson aims bigger: A more ambitious approach would be to try to recreate the full panoply of organizational features for contractors that the military created post-Vietnam for its own personnel. Such features could be mandated either through terms in the contracts with private firms or through direct regulation. And though it is debatable how best to implement these institutional features outside the uniformed military context, it is clear that this is an area that should be considered seriously in any effort to reform the contracting process. Rather than seeking more commingling of government accountability agents with contractor employees, another possible reform approach would seek to encourage or compel contractors themselves to institute processes that would help establish the organizational or professional culture necessary to protect public values. Thus, through governmental regulation or independent industry efforts, contract firms might create internal organizational structures to enhance compliance with the public law norms and values this article has discussed. Such efforts would involve firms adopting the kinds of reforms that the military adopted post-Vietnam with regard to its judge advocates. These efforts include requiring contractors to establish compliance units or hire ombudspeople who would accompany operational employees in theater, advise commanders, report through an independent chain of command, and have authority to confer benefits and impose punishments. In short, the idea would be to create within firms themselves a cadre of lawyers who would be analogous to the judge advocates within the military.

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Merton and Joan Bernstein: Fiscal Commission Mistakenly Targets Social Security for Cuts

September 27, 2010

The National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility, charged by President Obama to recommend ways to reduce the federal deficit, appears fixated on Social Security. The commission co-chairs and several members have advocated reducing benefits and raising the retirement age, another benefit cut. The question is why? Could it be because Social Security: • Pays its own way, does not and cannot add to the deficit, but produces surpluses, already totaling $2.77 trillion and projected to exceed $ 4 trillion? • Pays benefits only to those “entitled” by satisfying prescribed eligibility requirements – extensive periods of work and contribution? • Insures family members – starting at birth – against income loss due to an earner’s death, disability or retirement? • Reduces poverty program more effectively than any other program, especially for older women? • Generates billions of dollars in beneficiary purchasing power that fuel hundreds of billions in sales and millions of jobs? • Has non-benefit costs below one percent of benefits paid? None seems like a reason to diminish the program. Social Security is a model of fiscal responsibility. Three dedicated sources fund it: a modest payroll tax; income taxes on the benefits of high earners; and market-rate interest the U.S. Treasury pays on funds it borrows from Social Security. They will suffice to pay for benefits in full for decades. The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) purposely ameliorates the impact of the payroll tax on low earners by reducing their incomes taxes. That explains why many people pay more in payroll taxes than in income taxes. Moreover, the law permits benefit payments only if there are funds on hand to pay them; and Social Security has no authority to borrow. So, Social Security not only does not increase the deficit, it cannot. Social Security’s trust fund derives from its revenue not immediately needed to pay benefits. The U. S. Treasury issues certificates of obligation to the Social Security trust fund for those surpluses. Starting around 2024, Treasury will begin to repay those loans. This can be done most readily by: expanding the economy thereby improving wages and enlarging payroll tax revenues, and gradually raising the cap on taxable wages (now at $106,800 a year), to its historical level. Increasing the payroll tax rate by only 1 % on employer and employee, starting years from now, if needed, would complete the program to achieve long-term actuarial balance. The commission seems to ignore justifiable and politically palatable ways to trim the deficit, such as tackling the hundreds of billions in tax subsidies enjoyed by those already best off: for example, tax deductions for interest on mortgages for second homes. There’s much more where that came from .( If we ignore those sources, Treasury will have to borrow to pay – not for Social Security – that’s already been paid for without borrowing – but for the other non-Social Security outlays hitherto paid for by borrowing from the Social Security trust fund. Some commentators, such as New York Times political columnist Matt Bai, inaccurately assert that the U.S. Treasury bonds in the trust are merely worthless IOUs. Can they really not know that governments and private trust funds buy such obligations by the billions because they are regarded as valuable and reliable? Some assert that Social Security is unsustainable because retiree ranks are growing faster than the working population. You’ve heard the litany: in 1950, 16 people paid payroll taxes for each retiree; today that’s 3.3 people; in a few decades that will be 2.2 for each retiree. It seems plausible that this apparently worsening “aged dependency ratio,” spells calamity for Social Security. But if that trend were so lethal, with the shrinkage from 16:1 to 3.3:1, Social Security should have run aground. Instead it creates huge surpluses. For one thing, technological advances enable most of today’s employees to produce more goods and services than comparable individuals did in 1950. Agriculture provides a dramatic demonstration. In 1900, almost 40% of the work force farmed; today fewer than 2% do. By the “logic” of the aged dependency ratio, we should be starving. But farms produce quite enough for us to eat, with plentiful leftovers to export. The slogan “We live longer, so we should work longer ” attempts to justify the proposal to raise Social Security retirement age. We don’t have to raise it to provide incentives to work longer. Present law provides them: each year of delayed retirement generates higher benefits. And it is perverse to try to goad people to work longer when we see the doleful effects of mass unemployment – which can recur. In 2009 (the last year reported), Social Security paid out $658 billion in benefits to 52.5 million beneficiaries, including almost 3.5 million children. Those payments quickly translate into business income and wages rapidly and repeatedly; economists call that “the multiplier effect.” Some use an entirely inapplicable meaning of “entitlement” to sneer at Social Security and Medicare. With these social insurance programs, “entitlement” means a legal right earned by satisfying statutory eligibility requirements – years of work and contributions. Alas, Alan Simpson qualified for commission membership even though unable to tell the difference between an earned entitlement and a cow’s tits (his unfortunate language). Advocates of knifing Social Security argue that it would show “the markets” that we are serious about addressing U.S. deficits. That sounds quite as effective as appeasing the gods by sacrificing live virgins. Simply put, misinformation and misunderstanding, much of it deliberate, fuel the mistaken notion that we can pare the federal deficit by trimming Social Security. That path would lead to undiminished deficits, more poverty, less purchasing power, less business income and more unemployment

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David Isenberg: The State Department Takes Charge: Be Afraid, Be Very Afraid

September 24, 2010

Yesterday the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform held an important and under covered hearing entitled “” Transition in Iraq: Is the State Department Prepared to Take the Lead? ” The question is simply whether the State Department is up to the job as duties formerly performed by the U.S. military are transferred to the State Department. As Committee Chairman Edolphus Towns asked in his opening statement . The State Department will take over many functions that are inherently military and for which State has little or no expertise. This raises important, practical questions. Who will provide security for State Department employees? Who will recover personnel who are wounded or killed? Who will provide convoy security? Who will provide counter-fire in rocket, artillery, and mortar attacks? Who will recover damaged vehicles and downed aircraft? Who will provide explosives disposal? Indeed, Iraq has not stopped being a dangerous place. IED are still going off. Firefights still happen. Just this past Sunday six car bombings in Baghdad and a suicide bombing in Fallujah killed 37 people and wounded more than 100 others. Is there reason to be concerned ? Yes, according to the witnesses. Consider what Michael Thibault, Co-Chairman and Grant Green, Commissioner, of the Commission on Wartime Contracting in Iraq and Afghanistan, said in their statement: Commissioner Green’s concern for the Defense-to-State transition in Iraq was validated by our June 21, 2010, Capitol Hill hearing, “Private Security Contractors in Iraq: Where are we going?” Among the troubling testimony we heard that day were these data points: (1) The Department of State estimated that, without U.S. military support, it would need to raise its private-security contractor force in Iraq from 2,700 to between 6,000 and 7,000 people; (2) Under Secretary of State Patrick Kennedy had written to the Department of Defense on April 7, 2010, to request a substantial amount of military equipment, plus continued access to the Army’s LOGCAP logistics contract and continued food-and-fuel supply through the Defense Logistics Agency; and (3) DoD’s Joint Staff had not yet forwarded that request with a recommendation to the Office of the Secretary of Defense. These facts troubled us for several reasons. First, even if State could obtain the funds for more than doubling its private-security force, it is not clear that it has the trained personnel to manage and oversee contract performance of a kind that has already shown the potential for creating tragic incidents and frayed relations with host countries. Second, Ambassador Kennedy’s request highlighted the enormous reliance that State was obliged to place on the U.S. military in a wartime setting–14 critical security-related functions, logistical support, food and fuel, and about 1,000 other detailed tasks. Third, any DoD delay in processing State’s request could prolong uncertainties, promote reliance on contractors for work previously performed by the U.S. military and DoD, and potentially create unacceptable safety risks to American government and contractor personnel as military capabilities disappear in the drawdown process. As we reviewed the results of our hearing and the supplemental information that flowed in afterwards, our concerns rose. On July 12, 2010, the Commission released a unanimous, bipartisan Special Report #3, “Better planning for Defense-to-State transition in Iraq needed to avoid mistakes and waste.” We submitted the report to Congress, distributed it widely to interested parties within and outside of government, discussed its findings with print and broadcast media, and posted it on the Commission’s Internet site, www.wartimecontracting.gov. We have included a copy of the report with this statement, and we respectfully request that it be made part of the record of today’s hearing. Unfortunately, the advent of autumn has not eased the concerns we reported in the summer. We appreciate that the transition issues in Iraq are vast, complicated, and not amenable to quick and easy fixes. We are aware of and assured that working groups have been busy here and in theater discussing these issues. Lieutenant General Kathleen Gainey, the Director for Logistics, J4 of the Joint Staff, tells us that a decision package has been forwarded to the Office of the Secretary of Defense through the Under Secretary for Policy. Nonetheless, it is now nearly six months since Ambassador Kennedy’s formal request for assistance to the Department of Defense. When we checked earlier this week, no decision had yet been communicated. Specifically, State Department leadership informed us two days ago that their request for DoD support remained outstanding and that they have been compelled to pursue two separate contracting strategies simultaneously–one that assumes the requested DoD support, while the other develops a separate and greatly expanded contractor workforce to replace functions previously performed by DoD. The need to develop two separate plans is simply the result of the Department of Defense’s reluctance to articulate where and how they can best support the Defense-to-State transition in Iraq. What are the implications for private military and security contractors? This transition limbo has other deep implications. It raises the serious risk that State will be required to undertake a very large, hurried, expensive, and unprecedented exercise in contracting unless some change is negotiated in the Security Agreement or unless the Government of Iraq demonstrates serious capability and intent to provide the normal array of host-nation security and commercial services. Further, even if State meets the resource and funding challenge of greatly enlarging its security contractor forces, it still risks the policy and political consequences of having private companies performing potentially inherently governmental functions that have been previously performed by the U.S. military. Another significant implication is that the great, lingering uncertainty about the Defense-to-State transition indicates a failure to take a “whole-of-government approach” to contingency operations. Activities in Iraq and Afghanistan involve hundreds of thousands of U.S. military and federal civilian employees from Defense, State, the Agency for International Development, Treasury, Justice, Agriculture, and other departments; American, host-country, and third-country contractors; and a variety of non-governmental and international organizations. But as we and other organizations have observed, a lack of transparency, visibility, and basic data–not to mention the lack of a lead coordinating agency for contingency operations–has caused or contributed to duplication, gaps, and cross-purposes, and has permitted unnecessary incidents of waste, fraud, and abuse. Perhaps the other witness had a more optimistic view? Alas, only in our dreams. Here is an excerpt from the testimony of Stuart W. Bowen, Jr., Inspector General, Office of the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction My office’s previous reporting on State’s management practices in large Iraq programs raises concerns about whether State will be able to effectively manage both the very significant life support and security tasks (many of which have been provided by the Department of Defense (Defense)) and the diverse ongoing assistance programs, without risking the loss of taxpayer dollars to waste. I do not have in mind simply the potential losses that could arise from weak program, contract, or grant management, which SIGIR audits previously uncovered. It may prove wasteful to keep civilian employees in Iraq and fund assistance programs simply because, if security conditions prevent civilian travel, then oversight of assistance programs could become impossible. We recognize that State is relatively new to large-scale program, contract, and grant management. The projects it has undertaken in Iraq – and the projects it will inherit from other agencies, as they leave – are many times greater than those it has traditionally managed. It takes time to nurture an organizational culture that respects the need for planning and to develop a workforce with appropriate skills. State needs to promptly address this issue. It does seem clear that a relatively modest adjustment of State’s budget priorities could make an enormous difference in the quality of State’s project, contract, and grant administration. That is, spend more on oversight. … As discussed by the Commission [on Wartime Contracting} in its report, the U.S. Embassy in Iraq has been relying on the Defense Logistics Civil Augmentation Program (LOGCAP) contract to provide its employees necessary life support. The contract is a U.S. Department of the Army (Army) program that preplans for the use of private resources in support of worldwide contingency operations. In the event that U.S. forces deploy, contractor support is available to commanders on a cost-plus-award-fee basis. As SIGIR reported in October 2007, LOGCAP is a contingency contract and thus is considered “a contract of last resort” for customers (because of the potential additional costs arising from its noncompetitive aspects). We noted that contingency contracts are primarily designed for areas where emerging requirements are the norm, rapid response is required, and/or conditions are such that normal sustainment contracts are not competitively available. We noted that, once conditions stabilize and a reasonable determination can be made as to the quantity and type of contract work that will be required to support a mission, customers should transition from contingency contracts to a more normal, cost-effective contract. We recommended that, when security conditions in Iraq allow, the Department should consider transitioning from the Army’s LOGCAP contract for life support of the U.S. Embassy-Iraq mission to a State-managed life support contract. Such a change would allow for more competitive contracting in the longer term and may be desirable from the standpoint of cost effectiveness. We believe that when security conditions permit, State should take the step we recommended. However, at this time, for the reasons that the Commission recommends, State and Defense should continue to employ the LOGCAP contract to support State in Iraq; if Congressional action is needed to facilitate this eventuality, it should be taken. We have not analyzed the question of how State would acquire the range of security services the Commission believes may be necessary for Iraq, but our review of other aspects of State’s business practices raises concerns about capacity. In broad terms, State’s contract administration and enforcement efforts need strengthening. State should plan to expand its efforts by employing the most qualified contracting professionals in government for help on these acquisition projects, at least in the near term. We may be waiting a long time before security conditions allow what Mr. Bowen recommends. At my request I asked Robert Young Pelton, author of Licensed To Kill , one of the better books on security contracting in Iraq, his thoughts. He emailed me back that: The chatter behind the scenes is that Baghdad is not the place you want to be posted to next year. Triple Canopy is allegedly 30 percent undermanned and DynCorp according to scuttlebutt has yet to get anything in the air. The current push to double hired guns also comes after Blackwater was dropped and others were asked to fill the gap. The turmoil in protection services began not because Blackwater gunned down 17 Iraqis, but because the State Dept was frozen by the Iraqi government. Condi thought it would be cute to flush BW down the drain but was wise enough to keep them in place under different names. But Hillary nuked them ten days after the inauguration. The irony in all this is that HIllary Clinton who once sponsored legislation to ban PMC’s and specifically Blackwater finds herself at the head of the largest mercenary army in America’s history. We have yet to actually see if the U.S. government can operate in Baghdad without Erik Prince and Blackwater. Triple Canopy tried and failed before, resulting in a massive influx of BW in April of 2005 until 2009. We know from Leon Panetta the CIA can’t operate without Blackwater, I doubt the State Department is going to magically double their protection overnight without some serious teething problems. Now that Erik has packed up and taken his toys with him. My advice to HIllary….don’t go to Baghdad.

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